Vivat Academia (2026).
ISSN: 1575-2844
|
Received: August 6, 2025 Accepted: November 3, 2025 Published: January 13, 2026 |
PALESTINE IN THE TURKISH POLITICAL ISLAMIST-ORIENTED PRESS: INTERPRETING THE 2024 ISRAEL-IRAN CRISIS THROUGH SOCIAL MEDIA
Aslıhan Akbayır[1]: Independent Researcher. Türkiye.
Mustafa Akbayır[2]: University of Akdeniz. Türkiye.
How to cite the article:
Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa (2026). Palestine in the turkish political islamist-oriented press: interpreting the 2024 Israel-Iran crisis through social media. Vivat Academia, 159, 1-27. https://doi.org/10.15178/va.2026.159.e1652
ABSTRACT
Introduction: This study examines the news content produced by Turkish Political Islamist-oriented press’s thought through quantitative content analysis and critical discourse analysis. Social media journalism, recognized as an emerging value in journalism studies, is the primary focus of this research. Methodology: The study examining the discourse of news on social media posits that news content, in this context, is predominantly centered around ethnic sectarianism. The analysis focuses on Twitter/X posts related to Iran’s failed attack attempt on Israel on April 13, 2024. The study distinguishes two models of social media journalism: influencer journalism and the social media representations of traditional media outlets. Profiles such as “@themarginale” and “@turankislakci” exemplify influencer journalists, while the social media accounts of Yeni Akit and Sabah newspapers represent traditional media outlets. The study analyzed 8 news posts shared by journalists within the sample group on April 13-14, 2024. Results: The findings indicate that social media news content from Turkish Islamist-oriented media representatives internalizes ethnic sectarianism, reflecting ideological biases. This content often amplifies divisive narratives, prioritizing ethnic and religious identities over objective reporting. Discussion: The study highlights the Turkish Political Islamist-oriented press’s tendency to frame the Palestine issue through an ethnic sectarian lens, revealing the problematic nature of its ideological stance. These ideological patterns significantly influence readers’ perceptions of controversial issues, underscoring the need for critical analysis of such discourse to understand its broader societal impact. Conclusions: The influential power of social media news highlights the necessity of analyzing such content.
Keywords: Critical Discourse Analysis, Palestine, Political Islam, Turkish Press.
1. INTRODUCTION
This study aims to uncover ideological approaches embedded in news produced by Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish media, focusing on their discourse surrounding the Palestine issue. It seeks to illuminate transformations in social sciences, particularly journalism discourse, and revise negative perceptions of Political Islam discourse in the literature. Additionally, it explores ideological roots of society's reactive stance toward the Palestinian issue. The core problem is the ethnic-sectarian positions in Islamist rhetoric, especially regarding Iran's attacks on Israel. The study examines Political Islam's origins —increasingly viewed negatively in Türkiye— and analyzes media outputs within this framework.
On April 13, 2024, Iran launched "Operation True Promise", its first direct attack on Israel since 1991, using ~170 drones, >30 cruise missiles, and >120 ballistic missiles in retaliation for Israel's April 1 airstrike on the Iranian consulate in Damascus, killing seven IRGC officers including Brigadier General Mohammad Reza Zahedi (Diamond et al., 2024; Reuters, 2024). A multinational coalition intercepted nearly all projectiles (Diamond et al., 2024). Türkiye condemned Israel's strike as unlawful while urging de-escalation (Yetkin, 2024).
The literature commonly conceptualizes Political Islam as both a religious and political framework (Er, 2016; Duman & Üşenmez, 2016). Several key studies contribute to understanding the development and representation of Political Islam across different contexts. Özçelik’s (2022) bibliometric analysis maps the evolution of scholarly interest in the field, while Jong and Ali (2023) categorize the epistemological foundations shaping current debates. Kollar and Vermeulen (2025) explore European Muslim political participation, offering a transnational perspective. In the Turkish context, Macit (2017) examines the influence of the Milli Görüş movement. Aşık (2022), meanwhile, focuses on how ideological journalism shapes public discourse around Political Islam.
Additionally, studies on Palestine–Israel media coverage (Zahoor & Sadiq, 2021; Mohd SaifulNizam, 2025; Huda et al., 2022; Weninggalih & Pramiyanti, 2025) reveal patterns of polarization and biased information dissemination, which intersect with broader ideological narratives in Islamic-oriented media.
The internet has profoundly reshaped daily life and journalism practices. Social media platforms, such as Twitter/X, have transformed news production, dissemination, and consumption. Social media revolutionized journalism (Parlak, 2018; Alanka et al., 2024). These influencer journalists, such as Jahrein (Ahmet Sonuç) and İbrahim Haskoloğlu, leverage their social media presence to shape public opinion and create agendas (Akbayır, 2025). Parlak (2018) examines the emergence and evolution of digital journalism in New Media and the Transformation of Journalism, comparing it with traditional journalism. Similarly, Alanka et al. (2024) investigate whether technological advancements threaten the journalism profession. This study builds on these insights to analyze how Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish media leverage social media to propagate ideological narratives. Therefore, the study examines West-East conflict through Iran's 2024 attack on Israel, as reflected in X posts by Political Islam-aligned Turkish journalists. Political Islam sectarily frames Palestine-Israel issues, antagonizing West/US/Israel, but shifts Sunni-centric against Shiite Iran. Analyzing posts from @themarginale, @turankislakci, Sabah, and Yeni Akit, it highlights Sunni Türkiye-Shiite Iran divide: Erdoğan mourned Hamas's Haniyeh but not Hezbollah's Nasrallah, revealing sectarian selectivity.
In this regard, the subject of the study is the analysis of news coverage of Iran’s attack on Israel on April 13, 2024, by representatives of Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish press. It hypothesizes that, in contemporary times, their news content embeds ideological patterns rooted in ethnic sectarianism. The case study was selected due to its recency and significance, as Iran’s first direct attack on Israeli territory provides a critical lens through which to examine the ethnic-sectarian framing of the Palestine issue. The study seeks to answer the following questions within the context of its subject matter: (1) Do Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish press frame the Palestinian issue from an ethnic and sectarian perspective? (2) Do traditional newspapers and social media influencer journalists reflect ethnic and sectarian viewpoints in their reporting?
Study highlights the Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish press’s tendency to frame the Palestine issue through an ethnic sectarian perspective, revealing the problematic nature of its ideological stance. By demonstrating how ideological interests shape coverage of the Palestine issue, the research contributes to understanding the influence of sectarian biases in media discourse.
2. OBJECTIVE
This study examines ideological biases in social media news produced by Turkish Political Islamist representatives (@yeniakit, @sabah, @themarginale, @turankislakci), focusing on ethnic-sectarian framing of the Palestine issue. Using Iran's first direct attack on Israel (April 13, 2024) as a case, it analyzes two-day X posts via quantitative content analysis and CDA. The findings of this research are expected to make significant contributions to the field of social media journalism.
3. METHODOLOGY
Social media research dominates academia but faces methodological challenges. Discourse analysis, particularly Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA, van Dijk model), is prevalent yet complex for social media news, often overlooking platforms' technical affordances and yielding incomplete studies.
This study adopts a mixed-methods approach, integrating quantitative content analysis and CDA. Quantitative measures visibility, reach, and theme prevalence; CDA uncovers implicit/explicit ideological elements in discourse.
This combination comprehensively examines numerical impact and qualitative ideological dimensions in news from Islamist-oriented Turkish journalists and outlets. Rigor is ensured via a validated coding scheme with consistent intercoder results.
3.1. Quantitative Content Analysis
Content analysis, originating in the 16th century for religious newspaper discourses, evolved in the 20th century (Aziz, 2015). Applicable to written/non-written materials, it involves classification/coding (Berg & Lune, 2015). Supporting quantitative (frequency) and qualitative approaches, it balances objectivity and depth, though overreliance on numbers risks semantic loss (Neuman, 2017; George, 2003).
3.2. Critical Discourse Analysis
CDA examines discourse in socio-cultural/ideological contexts, evolving from 1940s–1980s foundations (Sözen, 1999). Van Dijk’s framework is prominent (van Dijk, 1995, 2009). Problem-oriented and interdisciplinary, it exposes hidden ideologies via macro/micro-structures, uncovering power/hegemony (Günay, 2022).
Here, CDA reveals ethnic-sectarian framing in Turkish Islamist media's Palestine discourse through language-culture-cognition triad.
3.3. Analysis of News
This study uses Iran’s April 13, 2024, attack on Israel as a case to analyze political attitudes of Islamist-oriented Turkish journalists and outlets aligned with the government. Purposive sampling examines Twitter/X posts from influencers @turankislakci (Turan Kışlakçı) and @themarginale (The Marginale), plus traditional @yeniakit (Yeni Akit) and @sabah (Sabah). This selection is not random but theoretically driven, anchored in the conceptual framework of political Islam as a hybrid ideology that intertwines religious orthodoxy with nationalist-populist governance, particularly under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) regime since 2002.
Sampling is theoretically driven, targeting high-impact actors amplifying Islamist discourses: Turan Kışlakçı ―Middle East expert, and ex-Anadolu Agency/TRT (Turan Kışlakçı, n.d)― bridges propaganda and pan-Islamic/neo-Ottoman narratives; The Marginale ―anonymous pro-government “troll”― (Özgür, 2023) defends AKP virally against opposition; Yeni Akit (hardline Islamist) embodies fundamentalist conservatism; Sabah (mainstream pro-government) mainstreams “Muslim democracy”.
The case involves Iran’s retaliatory strike (170 drones, 30+ cruise missiles, 120+ ballistic missiles) after Israel’s April 1 Damascus embassy attack; 99% intercepted (YetkinReport, 2024). Data (August 1, 2025, random sampling) underwent quantitative content analysis (ethnic-sectarian frequency) and CDA (ideological narratives).
Most accounts (@turankislakci, @themarginale, @sabah) frame Shiite Iran as collusive/incompetent, reinforcing Sunni-centric, anti-Western Political Islamist ideology. Yeni Akit partially supports Iran, showing diversity. Discourses embed ethnic sectarianism, aligning with the hypothesis.
3.4. Research steps and scopes to be used in the analysis process
This study analyzes Twitter/X posts from influencers @turankislakci, @themarginale and outlets Yeni Akit/Sabah on Iran’s April 13, 2024, attack on Israel. Using mixed methods (quantitative content analysis + CDA), it examines news via 6 categories: thematic focus, linguistic choices, ideological framing, engagement, sectarian rhetoric, and source credibility (see Figure 1).
6 content analysis categories developed for social media news analysis
Source: Own elaboration.
3.4.1. Fulfillment of the news function (Category 1)
The first category evaluates news value via topicality, interestingness, and clarity (Masterton, 2005). It assesses how Islamist-oriented Turkish posts summarize/frame Iran's April 13, 2024, attack on Israel. Quantitative analysis measures frequency; CDA examines ideological (ethnic sectarian) framing.
3.4.2. News language used (Category 2)
The second category examines linguistic/structural elements in Twitter/X posts by Islamist-oriented Turkish actors on Iran's April 13, 2024, attack. It assesses 5W1H adherence, tense/commentary, comparing influencers/traditional outlets. Quantitative analysis measures word/sentence counts, spelling, punctuation, active/passive voice. CDA (van Dijk, 2009) uncovers ideological (ethnic sectarian) framing via macrostructures, revealing biases.
3.4.3. Consistence between news content and new materials (Category 3)
The third category evaluates consistency between news content and accompanying materials (visuals, tags, external links, sources) in Islamist-oriented Turkish Twitter/X posts on Iran's April 13, 2024, attack. Quantitative analysis measures frequency/types; CDA assesses reinforcement of ideological narratives (ethnic sectarianism, anti-Western sentiment), revealing amplification of framing and influence on Palestine perceptions.
3.4.4. Determining sharing opportunities of news content (Category 4)
The fourth category assesses how Islamist-oriented Turkish posts leverage Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for disseminating Iran's April 13, 2024, attack news. Quantitative measures frequency/types for reach/engagement; CDA explores amplification of ideological narratives (ethnic sectarianism, anti-Western sentiment), revealing propagation of charged content influencing Palestine perceptions.
3.4.5. Feedback opportunities made to news content (Category 5)
The fifth category evaluates quantitative success of Islamist-oriented Turkish posts on Iran's April 13, 2024, attack via feedback metrics (comments, reposts/quotes, likes, views). Quantitative measures interaction volume for visibility/engagement; CDA examines amplification of ideological narratives (ethnic sectarianism, anti-Western) in echo chambers, revealing influence on Palestine perceptions.
3.4.6. Determination of the reliability index of news posts subject to the research (Category 6)
The sixth analytical category evaluates the reliability of Twitter/X news posts by the Islamist-oriented journalists and media outlets in the Turkish press concerning Iran’s attack on Israel on April 13, 2024. This category assesses the credibility of news texts by examining four principles: (1) the use of sources in posts, (2) the validity of cited source information, (3) the inclusion of external source links, (4) the presence of subject-specific verification by news verification platforms (e.g., Teyit.org).
Quantitative analysis measures frequency; CDA examines how source presence/absence reflects ideological biases (ethnic sectarianism, anti-Western). Unverified content persistence highlights echo chambers amplifying narratives, revealing prioritization of ideological framing over factual accuracy in shaping Palestine perceptions.
3.5. Analysis of Sabah newspaper news
3.5.1. Sabah newspaper analysis outputs for April 14, 2024
The news post was shared on the Sabah newspaper Twitter/X profile on April 14, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 2. The news text was shared with the content, “Lebanese television presenter Faysal Kasım commented on Iran's UAV attack as a 'theater': Israel strikes Iran without warning. However, Iran provides all kinds of information, from the takeoff time of the planes to their arrival time in Israel. Spill the tea, we’re about to watch a long theater” (Sabah, 2024b). P.S.: All news was translated from Turkish to English using the Grok artificial intelligence application offered by the X platform.
Figure 2
News Content Shared by Sabah on Twitter/X – April 14, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Sabah (2024b).
- C.1: Sabah's post shows topicality (timely Iran-Israel attack coverage) and interestingness (provocative “theater” framing), but lacks clarity (dense content, translated Arabic quote). It meets two of Masterton’s (2005) principles, partially fulfilling reporting by framing the attack as staged with advance warnings.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (48 words, four sentences, active voice, informal spelling), quoting Faisal Qassim to portray Iran’s attack as “outsourced”, “unreal”, and theatrical. CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals Sunni-centric Political Islamist bias undermining Shiite Iran via ethnic-sectarian narrative.
- C.3: The post includes Faisal Qassim’s original Arabic tweet screenshot (translated via Twitter/X), as primary source without tags/external links, providing visual evidence and partial content-material consistency.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for broad dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 23,200 views, 9 comments, 169 reposts/quotes, 396 likes, 5 bookmarks—significant engagement. CDA indicates feedback amplifies sectarian narrative in echo chambers.
3.5.2. Sabah newspaper April 13, 2024, analysis outputs
The news post was shared on the Sabah newspaper Twitter/X profile on April 13, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 3. The news text was shared with the content, “First statement from the White House after the UAV attack. Support for the killer Israel, Intimidation to Iran. The White House stated that they support Israel's security following Iran's launch of an air attack on Israel and will support Israel's defense against threats from Iran” (Sabah, 2024a).
Figure 3
News Content Shared by Sabah on Twitter/X – April 13, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Sabah (2024a).
- C.1: Sabah's post meets all Masterton’s (2005) news value principles —topicality (timely U.S.-Israel-Iran coverage), interestingness (“Killer Israel” phrasing), clarity (concise summary)— fulfilling reporting by framing U.S. support for Israel’s defense as antagonistic toward Iran.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (45 words, three sentences, active voice, proper spelling but inverted structure); CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals Sunni-centric, anti-Western discourse portraying U.S. statement as “support for murderer Israel, intimidation to Iran”, reflecting Political Islamist ideology.
- C.3: The post includes a White House-behind-bars photograph symbolizing U.S. complicity/confinement in supporting Israel, aligning with textual source (U.S. statement) without tags/links, ensuring text-visual consistency.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for broad dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 7,687 views, 1 comment, 2 reposts/quotes, 10 likes, no bookmarks—moderate engagement; CDA notes limited feedback reflects less resonant narrative yet contributes to sectarian discourse in echo chambers.
- C.6: The post cites accessible sabah.com.tr (Sabah, 2024) with external link; no Teyit.org reports. Reliability index: 100% (all principles met); CDA highlights “murderer” framing prioritizes ideological bias over neutrality, reinforcing ethnic sectarianism.
3.6. Analysis of Yeni Akit newspaper news
3.6.1. Yeni Akit newspaper analysis outputs for April 14, 2024
The news post was shared on the Yeni Akit newspaper’s Twitter/X profile on April 14, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 4. The news text was shared with the content, “The EU's mouthpiece condemned Iran📌 About 2 weeks ago, Israel carried out an airstrike on Iran's diplomatic facility in Damascus, the capital of Syria. In response to the attack, Iran...” (Yeni Akit, 2024b).
Figure 4
News Content Shared by Yeni Akit on Twitter/X – April 14, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Yeni Akit (2024b).
- C.1: Yeni Akit's post lacks topicality (addressing April 1 embassy attack two weeks later) and clarity (implicit, long/truncated sentences) but achieves interestingness (“EU’s burglar” title), meeting only one Masterton’s (2005) principle and partially fulfilling reporting by framing Borrell’s statements as EU critique.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (30 words, three sentences, bookmark emoji) but deviates from traditional codes (passive, inverted/truncated structures); CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals pro-Iranian, anti-Western discourse vilifying Borrell, reflecting Sunni-centric Political Islamist ideology with paradoxical Shiite support.
- C.3: The post includes Borrell’s photograph reinforcing critique of his statements, without tags/links, ensuring text-material consistency.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 1,347 views, 1 comment, no reposts/likes/bookmarks—low engagement; CDA notes minimal feedback reflects limited resonance (topicality/clarity issues), yet contributes to sectarian discourse in echo chambers.
3.6.2. Yeni Akit newspaper analysis outputs for April 13, 2024
The news post was shared on the Yeni Akit newspaper Twitter/X profile on April 13, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 5. The news text was shared with the content, “Germany’s warning to its citizens regarding Iran 📌 The German Foreign Ministry has warned German citizens to leave Iran.... #almanya #iran #vatandaş” (Yeni Akit, 2024a).
Figure 5
News Content Shared by Yeni Akit on Twitter/X – April 13, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Yeni Akit (2024a).
- C.1: Yeni Akit's post meets all Masterton’s (2005) principles —topicality (timely German warning amid Iran-Israel tensions), interestingness (attack focus), clarity (concise reporting)— fulfilling reporting by framing the advisory as response to potential Iranian aggression.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (21 words, two sentences, three hashtags #almanya #iran #vatandaş, bookmark emoji), short active-voice sentences complying with traditional codes; CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals discourse portraying Iran as aggressor but downplaying threat, implying Israel's greater danger—reflecting Sunni-centric, anti-Western Political Islamist ideology exaggerating German warnings.
- C.3: The post includes German-Iranian flags photograph and hashtags aligning with Germany-Iran focus, broadening reach without additional links, ensuring text-material consistency.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 1,669 views, no comments/reposts, 3 likes, no bookmarks—low engagement; CDA notes minimal feedback reflects nuanced framing's limited resonance yet contributes to sectarian discourse in echo chambers.
- C.6: The post cites accessible yeniakit.com.tr (Yeniakit, 2024a) with external link; no Teyit.org reports. Reliability index: 100% (all principles met); CDA highlights unserious threat framing prioritizes ideological bias over neutrality, reinforcing anti-Western/sectarian narratives.
3.7. Analysis of the news of the influencer journalist @themarginale
3.7.1. @themarginale April 14, 2024, analysis outputs
The news post was shared on @themarginale Twitter/X profile on April 14, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 6. The news text was shared with the content, “What did we say? Iran only bombs Muslims. Is there even one injured Zionist? No. No more words are needed” (Marginale, 2024b).
Figure 6
News Content Shared by Influencer Journalist @themarginale on Twitter/X – April 14, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Marginale (2024b).
- C.1: @themarginale's post meets all Masterton’s (2005) principles —topicality (timely Iran's attack coverage), interestingness (provocative “bombing Muslims” claim), clarity (straightforward narrative)— fulfilling reporting by framing the attack's failure as aggression against Muslims.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (20 words, five short judgmental sentences, active voice); CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals discourse accusing Iran of collaborating with Israel while harming Muslims, reflecting Sunni-centric, anti-Shiite Political Islamist ideology undermining Iran's credibility.
- C.3: The post relies solely on text without visuals/hashtags, limiting engagement strategies but ensuring consistency through exclusive textual narrative.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 128,400 views, 77 comments, 364 reposts/quotes, 3,000 likes, 2 bookmarks—high engagement; CDA notes feedback amplifies anti-Shiite narrative in echo chambers, reinforcing sectarian discourse.
3.7.2. @themarginale April 13, 2024, analysis outputs
The news post was shared on themarginale Twitter/X profile on April 13, 2024. A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 7. The news text was shared with the content, “Iran is so reluctant to harm Israel that it has been shouting for days for Israel to take precautions. Today, instead of sending a missile, it sent a drone. It’s supposed to arrive by morning. If nothing happens to it on the way” (Marginale, 2024a).
Figure 7
News Content Shared by Influencer Journalist @themarginale on Twitter/X – April 13, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Marginale (2024a).
- C.1: @themarginale's post meets all Masterton’s (2005) principles —topicality (timely Iran's attack coverage), interestingness (attack announcement focus), clarity (straightforward narrative)— fulfilling reporting by detailing UAV use over missiles, emphasizing tentative execution.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (43 words, four sentences, short implicit judgmental passive-voice structures); CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals discourse suggesting tentative (“as if”) attack, undermining decisiveness—reflecting Sunni-centric, anti-Shiite Political Islamist ideology doubting Iran's efficacy.
- C.3: The post relies solely on text without visuals/hashtags, limiting engagement but ensuring consistency through exclusive textual narrative of Iran's attack.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 135,000 views, 71 comments, 185 reposts/quotes, 1,300 likes, 8 bookmarks—significant engagement; CDA notes high feedback amplifies anti-Shiite narrative in echo chambers, reinforcing sectarian discourse.
- C.6: The post lacks sources/links; no Teyit.org reports. Reliability index: 25% (meets only no contradictory verification); CDA highlights unsubstantiated UAV claim prioritizes ideological bias over accuracy, reinforcing ethnic sectarianism.
3.8. Analysis of the news of the influencer journalist @turankislakci
3.8.1. @turankislakci April 14, 2024, analysis outputs
A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 8. The news post shared on Turan Kislakci's Twitter/X profile on April 14, 2024, states: "According to CNN and Al Jazeera, some of the consequences of Iran's major attack on Israel include: 31 people experienced "panic attacks", and some were "lightly injured" while heading to shelters" (Kışlakçı, 2024b).
Figure 8
News Content Shared by @turankislakci on Twitter/X – April 14, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Turan Kışlakçı (2024b).
- C.1: @turankislakci's post meets topicality (timely Iran's attack coverage) and interestingness (provocative belittling expressions) but lacks clarity (ambiguous translated Arabic quote); it partially fulfills reporting by framing Iran's attack as ineffective.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (31 words, two short judgmental sentences, active voice); quoting translated Al Jazeera anchor A. Mansour to mock “major” attack, CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals Sunni-centric, anti-Shiite Political Islamist narrative ridiculing Iran's efforts to undermine credibility.
- C.3: The post relies solely on text and quoted tweet without visuals/hashtags, limiting engagement but ensuring consistency through translated quotes aligning with belittling narrative.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 6,485 views, 5 comments, 38 reposts/quotes, 92 likes, no bookmarks—moderate engagement; CDA notes feedback amplifies anti-Shiite narrative in echo chambers, reinforcing sectarian discourse.
3.8.2. @turankislakci April 13, 2024, analysis outputs
A screenshot of the news article is included in Figure 9. The news post was shared on the @turankislakci Twitter/X profile on April 13, 2024. The news text was shared with the content, “Explosions occurred in Lebanon... It has been reported that Lebanon’s airport will soon be closed to flights...” (Kışlakçı, 2024a).
Figure 9
News Content Shared by @turankislakci on Twitter/X – April 13, 2024
Source: Screenshot of Turan Kışlakçı (2024a).
- C.1: @turankislakci 's post meets all Masterton’s (2005) principles —topicality (timely Iran's attack/explosions in Lebanon), interestingness (explosion imagery), clarity (concise narrative)— fulfilling reporting by linking Iranian actions to regional instability.
- C.2: The post uses social media language (17 words, two short clear active-voice sentences, no explicit judgment, adhering to traditional codes); CDA (van Dijk’s macro-schema) reveals neutral tone but subtle Sunni-centric, anti-Shiite narrative associating Iran's attack with instability in Shiite-heavy Lebanon.
- C.3: The post includes a 5-second looping explosion video aligning with textual claim, without hashtags—reinforcing conflict narrative and content-material consistency, though video's ambiguity raises origin/relevance questions, limiting engagement.
- C.4: The post utilizes Twitter/X affordances (messaging, reposting/quote-reposting, liking, bookmarking, external sharing) for dissemination and engagement.
- C.5: As of August 1, 2025: 4,455 views, 1 comment, 7 reposts/quotes, 23 likes, no bookmarks—low engagement; CDA notes minimal feedback reflects non-provocative framing yet contributes to sectarian discourse via Iran-Lebanon instability link.
- C.6: The post lacks sources/links, unspecified video origin; no Teyit.org reports. Reliability index: 25% (meets only no contradictory verification); CDA notes ambiguous/unverified content constitutes post-truth, undermining credibility and aligning with ideological discrediting of Iran's actions.
4. FINDINGS
Under this heading, the data obtained from the research model are presented as a table, interpreted and opened for discussion in order to shed light on future studies.
Table 1
Feedback Opportunities for Journalists’ News
|
News sources |
Followers |
Views |
Comments |
RT |
Likes |
Bookmarks |
|
@themarginale |
418.2 K. |
263.4 K. |
148 |
549 |
4.300 |
10 |
|
@sabah |
2.3 M. |
30.887 |
10 |
171 |
406 |
5 |
|
@turankislakci |
88.5 K |
10.940 |
6 |
45 |
115 |
0 |
|
@yeniakit |
230.3 K. |
3.016 |
1 |
0 |
3 |
0 |
|
Total |
3.037 K. |
308.243 |
165 |
765 |
4.824 |
15 |
Source: Own elaboration.
Figure 10
The graph of total follower counts-total view counts
Traditional newspapers use longer, multi-sentence texts and more visuals. @sabah leads (93 words/7 sentences), followed by @themarginale (63/9), @yeniakit (51/5), @turankislakci (48/4). See Table 2.
Table 2
Technical analysis of journalists' news
|
News sources |
Words |
Sentences |
Images |
|
@sabah |
93 |
7 |
1 |
|
@themarginale |
63 |
9 |
0 |
|
@yeniakit |
51 |
5 |
2 |
|
@turankislakci |
48 |
4 |
1 |
|
Total |
255 |
25 |
4 |
Source: Own elaboration.
Figure 11 shows @sabah leading in word count (93 words, 7 sentences, 1 image), followed by @themarginale (63/9/1), @yeniakit (51/5/2), and @turankislakci (48/4/1), highlighting traditional media's denser text and visuals.
Figure 11
The graph of Word-Sentence-Image
Source: Own elaboration.
Table 3
Reliability analysis of journalists' news
|
News sources |
Reliability rates of news |
|
@yeniakit |
100% |
|
@sabah |
87.5% |
|
@turankislakci |
50% |
|
@themarginale |
25% |
|
Avarage |
65.62% |
Source: Own elaboration.
Figure 12
The radar chart of reliability rates
Source: Own elaboration.
Table 4
Ideological patterns of journalists' news
|
News sources |
Ideological patterns of news |
|
@sabah |
Theatre/UAV attack |
|
@yeniakit |
EU's mouthpiece/Iran warning |
|
@themarginale |
Iranian’s, only bombs Muslims/Iran does not harm Israel |
|
@trankislakci |
Results of the attack: 31 people had panic attacks/Explosions in Lebanon |
|
- |
Only Yeni Akit newspaper displays a pro-Iran attitude in its news. |
Source: Own elaboration.
Figure 13
The graph of ideological patterns
Source: Own elaboration.
5. DISCUSSION
The literature reveals the interplay between political Islam and ethnic nationalism, shaping political engagement, media representations, and public discourse, often amplified by digital misinformation.
Jong and Ali (2023) emphasize epistemological diversity in political Islam concepts (foundationalist, non-/anti-foundationalist), interacting with ethnic identities in Muslim societies. Kollar and Vermeulen (2025) show Islamic religiosity, tied to Turkish/Moroccan identities, mobilizes European Muslims' participation, though marginalization fosters disengagement amid nationalist exclusion.
In Türkiye, Acar (2019) and Macit (2017) trace political Islam's evolution via Milli Görüş, blending Islamic universalism with Turkish nationalism, normalizing Islamist rhetoric. Aşık (2022) demonstrates how ethno-religious identity drives Turkish Islamist journalists to frame news against secular forces.
Social media studies (Zahoor & Sadiq, 2021; Mohd SaifulNizam, 2025; Huda et al., 2022; Weninggalih & Pramiyanti, 2025) highlight polarized Palestine-Israel narratives reinforcing ethno-nationalist biases.
Adams et al. (2023), Azzimonti and Fernandes (2023), and Aïmeur et al. (2023) warn of misinformation's role —via bots and AI detection challenges— in amplifying biased Islamist and ethno-nationalist discourses, underscoring the need for critical approaches.
6. RESULTS
This pioneering study systematically examines Turkish Islamist-oriented media's X/Twitter discourses during the 2024 Israel-Iran crisis. Analyzing posts from @turankislakci, @themarginale, @yeniakit, and @sabah on Iran's April 13 attack and related events, it uses mixed methods (quantitative content analysis and van Dijk's CDA) to reveal ideological patterns, engagement, and reliability, confirming the hypothesis with three key findings:
- Ideological Patterns Reflecting Ethnic Sectarianism: Turkish Islamist-oriented media embed ethnic-nationalist, Sunni-centric biases. @sabah, @themarginale, and @turankislakci construct anti-Shiite narratives, accusing Iran of collaborating with Israel/US and belittling its attack. Only @yeniakit supports Iran, revealing ideological divergence.
- Feedback Success of Influencer Journalists: Influencers (@themarginale: 365K views; @turankislakci: 23.5K) outperform newspapers (@sabah: 36K; @yeniakit: 3.8K) in engagement, using provocative content to amplify anti-Shiite narratives.
- Reliability of Traditional Newspapers: Traditional newspapers exhibit higher reliability than influencers: @yeniakit (100%) meets all criteria, followed by @sabah (87.5%), while @turankislakci (50%) and @themarginale (25%) omit sources and include post-truth elements.
Despite influencers' superior engagement, their low reliability contrasts with newspapers' journalistic standards, highlighting journalism's shift to social media, where viral, polarizing content prioritizes engagement over accuracy.
Findings confirm most outlets (@sabah, @themarginale, @turankislakci) embed ethnic-nationalist, anti-Shiite biases, downplaying Iran's April 13 attack and portraying it as complicit with Israel/US. Yeni Akit's pro-Iran stance reveals ideological diversity rooted in Sunni-centric Political Islam.
And lastly, the study’s generalizability is limited due to its focus on specific media outlets. In the future, a comparative analysis of Turkish media outlets with diverse ideological orientations could be conducted. Additionally, a longer time period could be examined.
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AUTHOR CONTRIBUTIONS, FUNDING AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Authors' contributions: Authors contributed equally to the study.
Conceptualization: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Methodology: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Validation: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Formal analysis: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Data curation: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Writing-Preparing the original draft: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Writing-Revising and Editing: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Visualization: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Supervision: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. Project management: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa. All authors have read and accepted the published version of the manuscript: Akbayır, Aslıhan & Akbayır, Mustafa.
Funding: This research did not receive external funding.
Conflict of interest: There is no conflict of interest among the authors.
AUTOR/ES:
Aslıhan Akbayır: commenced her undergraduate education in 2011 at the Faculty of Communication, Department of Radio, Television, and Cinema at Akdeniz University. Upon completing her bachelor’s degree in 2015, she was admitted to the master’s program in the same department at Akdeniz University. In 2018, Akbayır enrolled in the YÖK 100/2000 Doctoral Program in Communication Sciences at Süleyman Demirel University, successfully completing her doctoral studies in June 2024. Her academic research focuses on the domains of postmodernism, digitalization, semiotics, identity, and representation.
H-index: 2
Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0017-5815
Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.com.tr/citations?user=-36Ww1QAAAAJ&hl=tr
Academia.edu: https://independent.academia.edu/AslıhanDumlu
Mustafa Akbayır: completed his undergraduate studies in Journalism at Mersin University in 2014, graduating as top of his class. During his education, he gained early academic experience by working part-time within the faculty. In 2016, he was appointed as a research assistant in the Department of Journalism at Akdeniz University under the Academic Staff Training Program (ÖYP). His research interests include journalism studies, media discourse, communication technologies, and visual communication design. Alongside his academic work, he is actively engaged in photography and follows developments in digital media and entertainment culture. Akbayır is committed to interdisciplinary approaches in media research and aims to contribute to the field through both scholarly production and creative practice.
H-index: 2
Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9489-3767
Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=yTA-s7YAAAAJ&hl=en
Academia.edu: https://independent.academia.edu/MustafaAkbayır
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