Received: Aug 6, 2025 Accepted: Nov 30, 2025 Published: Jan 16, 2026

 

TELEGRAM, INFORMATION AND MOBILIZATION CHANNEL. 
AUDIENCE ASSESSMENT

Hada M. Sánchez Gonzales^[1]: University of Seville. Spain.

misago@us.es

Javier Martos Moreno: University of Seville. Spain.

javiermm94@gmail.com

 

How to cite the article:

Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. & Martos Moreno, Javier (2026). Telegram, information and mobilization channel. Audience Assessment. Vivat Academia, 159, 1-25. https://doi.org/10.15178/va.2026.159.e1625

 

ABSTRACT

Introduction: Messaging platforms have become a source of information, as well as a means of participation, advocacy and activism. The media, aware of this growing prominence, use Telegram to offer personalized information to their interests and to strengthen the link with the user. Telegram stands out not only for allowing direct communication, but also for the security it offers in the exchange of information through broadcast channels and secret chats. Objective: The research analyzes Telegram as an information and mobilization channel and it studies how users rate the tool. Methodology: The study is based on the use of qualitative and quantitative techniques: documentary analysis, correlational analytical method and a survey of communication teachers and future journalists. Results: The findings obtained from this study indicate that the users consulted use the application mainly for news consumption and to stay informed about current socio-political events, meeting the expectations of 70% of those surveyed, and also as a means of communication and coordination between social groups for mobilization and activism. Discussion and conclusions: Telegram not only facilitates secure access to information, but also boosts social organization, consolidating itself as a strategic space in the digital social ecosystem.

Keywords: activism, audience, Telegram, mobile devices, information, journalism.

1. INTRODUCTION

Instant messaging platforms have contributed to the role of new digital applications in fostering democracy, freedom, and ideological pluralism. According to Francisco Yus (2007), the use of new technologies should not produce isolated citizens; on the contrary, it should stimulate human interaction, knowledge of others, and facilitate social solidarity among human beings. In today's rapidly evolving technological society, alternatives are emerging that aim to promote cultural development and civic inclusion.

This is the case with instant messaging apps like Telegram and WhatsApp that have had an impact on fields such as journalism, politics (García, 2016), and social movements (Molins Renter, 2019). As with social media, the emergence of new tools on mobile devices has presented an opportunity to improve civic representation in today's society.

Citizens have acquired a more prominent role, with users evolving from mere consumers or recipients of information to prosumers, interacting and participating in the creation and production of content (Sánchez Gonzales, 2016). This growing civic participation through these types of applications represents a further step towards enriching democracy, participation, and a more relevant role for citizens in the debate on key political, economic, and social issues (Gil de Zúñiga, 2015). In fact, the attention paid to the strategic use of digital tools among social movements has only increased (Allen-Perkins, 2022), as evidenced by international examples of digital activism, such as the 15M movement in Spain, the Yellow Vests in France, and protests in countries like Iran, China, and Russia.

One of the main precedents for activism and digital platforms is found in the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt in 2011, an example of the growing importance of new technologies in social movements. According to González del Miño (2014), part of the success of the citizen protests was due to the use of digital tools by activists to take their struggle to the streets, despite significant repression by the regime against traditional media. Through social networks and digital platforms, opportunities opened up for citizens to engage in virtual political activism (Molina Fernández, 2017).

Technology became a support for the population as an open space for interaction, for accessing information, mobilizing, and taking action in the fight for social causes. Initiatives such as digital user spheres (Sampedro & Martínez Avidad, 2018) or activist forums (Fatkin & Lansdown, 2015) emerged to advocate for rights and freedoms in modern states thanks to technological possibilities.

Subsequently, private messaging platforms emerged. Of those mentioned above, Telegram stands out, particularly for its technical features. These include privacy and security (Hintea et al., 2018) in information exchange through communication channels, as well as the ability to open secret chats that self-destruct after a set time. It also “includes the option of using bots as a tool that allows any individual or company to create a system for automated interaction with users” (Sánchez Gonzales & Sánchez González, 2017, p. 52).

These characteristics, have allowed the use of Telegram by activist groups in social mobilization processes and in defense of freedom of expression and democracy. This trend has not gone unnoticed by the media, which have quickly incorporated Telegram into their routine operations, following its growing use among certain social groups.

1.1. Telegram as a Mobilization Tool

Telegram has become the app of choice for protests and the indignant (Molins Renter, 2019). This is due to the app's two most outstanding technical qualities: data protection in communications (Martínez Martínez, 2017) and the ability to create large groups with more than 200,000 users.

For this reason, Telegram has been used in mobilization initiatives throughout Spain, where the tool began to gain greater popularity between 2017 and 2019 following its use by the Podemos political party; on the one hand, as a means of internal communication for the members of the purple formation (Martos Moreno & Sánchez Gonzales, 2021), and, on the other hand, as a means of mobilization, since young followers of the party began to organize themselves through the messaging application in the face of general discontent with the political and social context. The people in the network worked and coordinated through the Russian-origin application (Molins Renter, 2019). At that time, communication was segmented in such a way that Telegram was used for political (Gil, 2016) and mobilization purposes, while WhatsApp was more for leisure (Molins Renter, 2019). For this reason, since then, there has been a very clear awareness that Telegram's specific niche is this audience (Martí, 2019, as cited in Molins Renter, 2019).

However, from 2019 onwards, the use of Telegram in Spain as a mobilization tool increased due to the organization of protests in Catalonia in October of that year following the sentencing of the procés, with groups such as Tsunami Democràtic, Anonymous Catalonia, and the Committees for the Defense of the Republic (CDR, in Spanish). In addition to using established social media platforms (Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram), these groups opted for Telegram (Cid & Méndez, 2019) as a more secure, private, direct, and equally multifunctional method. Oliveres (2019) points out that, for this reason, the number of downloads of the application increased. In Spain, it grew to 380,000 new users during the months of September and October.

In Europe, there are other cases where Telegram has played a significant role as an activism tool. One example is the 'yellow vest' movement in France. These protests arose in October 2018 in response to rising fuel prices in the country. Telegram played a crucial role in this initiative as a coordination tool, thanks to its encryption (Lombart, 2018). The platform only allows communication between its own participants (Matthijs, 2019), preventing interception. The movement began on mobile devices and then moved to the streets.

It is important to highlight three specific cases of activism and social mobilization on Telegram in three countries: Russia, China, and Iran. The governments of these countries went so far as to block the use of the application within their national borders. In the first case, the Kremlin banned the platform in the context of the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, after Telegram founder Pavel Durov refused to provide the Russian government with the login credentials needed to access user data (Akbari & Gabdulhakov, 2019). In a BBC (2018) interview, Durov stated that he would rather not exist in Russia than violate the privacy of its users.

The Russian Federal Service for Telecommunication Supervision (Columbia Global Freedom of Expression, n.d.) reacted by blocking more than 15 million IP addresses and removing the app from the Google Play and Apple App Stores (Akbari & Gabdulhakov, 2019) in Russia. This move, motivated by Pavel Durov's refusal to provide user data, was interpreted as an attack on democracy and freedom of expression by the Russian government. However, the Telegram founder stated that there was no significant drop in user engagement with the app.

Telegram's prominence as an activism channel is also evident in China, where digital organization and communication processes have evolved over the past decade. While the 2014 Umbrella Movement, sparked by protests against electoral reform, was characterized by the use of Facebook posts (Alvarado Pavez, 2020), Telegram emerged in 2019 as the primary method of coordination and mobilization during the Hong Kong protests demanding the withdrawal of the extradition bill to China.

Privacy, security, and the ability for messages to self-destruct were the qualities that facilitated its use as a method of activist coordination and mobilization. Hong Kong protesters used the tool to disseminate content related to the times (Haas, 2019) and locations of planned demonstrations. In this context, Pavel Durov denounced a cyberattack by China in an attempt by the authorities to trace the origins of the protests and to prevent activists from disseminating the personal data of Hong Kong police officers (Wu, 2019).

Iran also announced a nationwide ban on Telegram in April 2018 during protests across the country. This access ban affected 40 million users and went into effect despite the app's unprecedented popularity, which had become the preferred source of information (Fernández Ruiz, 2018) in the country. Telegram's impact in Iran was so significant that it replaced many internet functions, including email, discussion forums, blogs, news websites, e-commerce, social media, and even television (Kargar & McManamen, 2018). In both cases, following its nationwide ban, Telegram became a symbol of freedom of expression (Akbari & Gabdulhakov, 2019) and citizens' constitutional rights.

Two key aspects of using Telegram as a mobilization platform should be highlighted. First, the sociological factor stands out (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2021), since the natural profile of Telegram's audience in Spain corresponds to the activist-leaning user linked to new technologies.

Secondly, the emotional and sensitizing component of new technologies stands out, as well as their influence as a means of propagating opinions and moods. In this regard, Pinazo-Calatayud et al. (2020) state that “messages issued by hostile sources that report negative outcomes have the potential to affectively and behaviorally motivate activists to a greater extent than messages with more positive outcomes from favorable sources” (p. 69).

1.2. Information Channel and Audience Assessment

Telegram has become a frequently used information channel for the public, thanks to its privacy features and the technical qualities it offers for establishing communication. This has led to groups such as media outlets and political parties showing interest in the tool. However, these same features and their encrypted nature also represent a negative factor due to the proliferation of misinformation on the platform (Giménez, 2022; Talant, 2021) and its use as a means of communication and social mobilization outside of official channels.

In fact, according to Dafonte-Gómez and Corbacho-Valencia (2020), these instant messaging platforms have become preferred ways of accessing information, but they also offer, in turn, ”a perfect environment for the dissemination of disinformation, due to their closed nature and their ability to bring together people with similar ideologies” (p. 1,219).

All these features have boosted the prominence of users in applications such as Telegram or WhatsApp, which in turn has led to the displacement of traditional media and the emergence of active audiences. Other authors (Masip et al., 2015) refer to this phenomenon with the term “citizen journalism” (p. 364).

Much of the success of messaging platforms stems from their potential to distribute journalistic information through broadcast channels. In the case of Telegram, this includes the ability to deliver content to the public through news alerts (Martos Moreno & Sánchez Gonzales, 2024). Thanks to this convenient format, users don't need to open the app to search for information. It arrives directly on their smartphone's home screen as a notification.

In addition, there is the option of incorporating multimedia elements into the information. Besides text and links, these applications also allow the use of emoticons, images, GIFs, videos, and audio to accompany the content disseminated by the media and strengthen the connection with the public. The audience shapes the content, and actively involving them in the information process is also an opportunity for growth and audience loyalty (Sedano-Amundarain & Palomo-Torres, 2018).

Media outlets are increasingly trying to integrate Telegram as a new information channel (Negreira-Rey et al., 2017) into their production and distribution strategies, although it is still in a phase of growth and experimentation (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2023).

Citizens use the tool as a source of information on politically and socially relevant issues in the country. The media, for their part, find in it an important source of public opinion and current events, while for government elites it represents the possibility of monitoring information and using it as an official communication channel (Salikov, 2019). That is why Telegram channels involve users, media, and governments as key players in communication through instant messaging.

2. OBJECTIVES

This research aims to analyze Telegram as an information and mobilization channel and to study the assessment that users make of the tool.

Studies on the relevance of this phenomenon are recent and scarce. To date, analyses have focused on specific coverage regarding its use by five Spanish media outlets (Negreira-Rey et al., 2017), and journalistic work (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2020), content production and distribution (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2023), incidental news consumption (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2024), its use as a tool for social mobilization (Chao Su et al., 2022; Poster, 2021; Akbari & Gabdulhakov, 2019; Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2021), or the role of Telegram on mobile devices (Anglano et al., 2017; Hintea et al., 2018) used by the media on these platforms (WhatsApp or Telegram). Despite this background, studies have not been conducted from the perspective of the audiences.

To meet the stated objectives, the work begins with the following research questions:

• Q1. Telegram facilitates communication between social groups for user mobilization activities through the use of channels.
• Q2. Users value the tool positively in terms of searching for and receiving informative content.

3. METHODOLOGY

A methodology based on the use of both qualitative and quantitative techniques was employed. Documentary analysis was chosen to contextualize the phenomenon under study and to develop a theoretical framework to serve as a reference for this research. This flexible review consulted articles in Spanish and English extracted from the scientific literature (systematic literature review – SLR) databases Web of Science, Dialnet, Google Scholar, and Information and Documentation of Science in Spain (ÍnDICEs-CSIC), using the following descriptors: Telegram, mobile devices, mobilization, and information. Digital publications and statistical studies were also spotted. A specific timeframe was not established because most of the articles were published after 2017, confirming the relatively recent use of this tool.

The correlational analytical method has been used to understand the use and evaluation of Telegram users through the survey as a research technique (Sierra, 2008; Cea d'Ancona, 2010) because it uses standardized processes to collect and analyze data from a representative sample (Casas Anguita et al., 2003), as is the case here.

An online questionnaire was developed, taking into account the temporal dimension of prevalence, to estimate frequency and establish differences and relationships between variables, based on the selected sample (June 2021 to January 2022). The survey was sent to two target groups selected using non-probability convenience sampling (Vehovar et al., 2016): university professors and researchers, and students of Journalism, Audiovisual Communication, and Advertising from various universities in Spain. The aim was to understand their perceptions of the tool and to provide a broader perspective from two profiles presumed to be connected to the world of communication and the use of technology in both professional or academic and personal contexts. Responses were obtained from 336 (n=336) individuals, constituting the entire survey population.

The questionnaire was designed using a Google Form, following the guidelines and contributions of other authors (Cea d'Ancona, 2010) for the formulation and coding of the questions, which revolved around eight main sections: a) user activity on the platform, b) technical, formal and functional factors, c) aspects that meet or do not meet the user's expectations in Telegram, d) information that the user usually accesses to, e) information channels that the user accesses to, f) channels and bots for disseminating informational content and g) frequency. In addition, sociodemographic variables have been taken into account: age, gender and occupation.

Respondents completed a ten-question mixed-methods questionnaire. Each question was designed using both a dichotomous (Yes/No) and a polytomous (multiple choice) option. The survey was conducted from September to December 2022 in a single phase of the study. The questionnaire was designed using the following model (Table 1):

Table 1

Indicators Used for This Research

Sociodemographic Factor
Differences in Terms of Gender and Age
Man					Women
18-25 years		26-40 years						+41 years
Audience Usage and Assessment Factors
User activity according to its usefulness
Share the information	Interaction	Receive news alerts			Useful for mobilization			Main news stories summarized				Proactive
Technical, Formal and Functional Factors
Original format	Accessible and functional		Technical qualities					Useful tool				Others
Aspects that do or do not meet user expectations in Telegram
It is used as a communication channel	Limited social presence	Used for specific moments of mobilization			Used for information, although it does not replace the media.			Preference for other platforms				It does not meet user expectations
Information That the User Usually Accesses
Entertainment news				Current news
Type of news content
Open-ended question
News channels accessed by the user
Entertainment channels	Groups of friends			Offers/online purchase			Bets			None
Channels and bots for distributing informational content
Media channels	Audiovisual content distribution channels		Other information channels			Channels of political parties and trade unions			Using bots-chatbots: Politibot		NS/NC
Frequency
Monthly	Every 15 days			Weekly			Daily			Never

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

The questionnaire underwent a validity and reliability analysis prior to its submission. Two different methods were employed consisting of peer review by experts (Cabero-Almenara & Llorente-Cejudo, 2013) and the pre-test to which it was subjected (Casas Anguita et al., 2003). In the first case, it was validated by two people randomly selected based on their expertise in the subject matter and their occupation (researcher and professional) to review and analyze the instrument. Secondly, the questionnaire was also pre-tested by the user before its mass distribution. The test was administered to 50 people representative of the target population. This has made it possible to determine whether the questions were understood or rejected. This allowed for the reformulation and precise wording of a couple of questions.

The use of different methods and techniques to understand user perception through the survey technique has been complemented with documentary analysis to obtain a more complete and detailed view of the audience's assessment of Telegram.

4. RESULTS

The data from this research analyzes audience perceptions of information disseminated through the messaging platform. Of the total participants who responded to the survey (n=336), 59% (n=198) stated they had used Telegram at some point, while the remaining 41% indicated they had not had any contact with the application. Therefore, to ensure the relevance and reliability of the results, the analysis was conducted considering the responses of those who had prior or current experience using this platform.

Significant differences were observed in sociological variables such as gender and age (Figures 1 and 2). According to the research data, there was a majority of men (66%) compared to women (34%). Regarding age, the highest percentages were found among younger users. The vast majority of users (91%) were between 18 and 25 years old, while 6% were between 26 and 40, and the remaining 3% were over 41.

Figure 1

Telegram Usage According to the Gender of the People Surveyed

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Figure 2 

Telegram usage According to the Age of the People Surveyed

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

The fact that the app's use is linked to a younger population has a sociological explanation. In Spain, the Telegram market niche corresponds to a younger, more mobilized, activist audience, with a greater capacity to adapt to technological language. This is one of the main reasons for the success of media outlets like Eldiario.es and political parties like Podemos on Telegram (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2018).

Telegram is highly relevant in specific fields such as journalism and politics (Gil, 2016). However, at a social level and in terms of everyday use by citizens, its adoption is lower due to WhatsApp's dominance as the main messaging platform in Spain (Interactive Advertising Bureau Spain [IAB Spain], 2024). Furthermore, this low social penetration is a factor that can also be limiting for Telegram when considering the age variable, since the application's use, according to the results obtained, is very clearly segmented towards a younger audience interested in current events, politics, or social mobilization, rather than the general public.

Despite this setback, the data shows a continued upward trend for the Russian-born messaging app. The majority of surveyed users (70%) report being satisfied with Telegram's benefits in terms of content and format, as these meet their expectations. Meanwhile, the remaining 30% prefer to use other apps.

According to Figure 3, the tool's usefulness for organizing (24%) and for having the main news stories summarized (35%) represent the most positive aspects of Telegram for those users who report being satisfied with the information received through the application. Other users also express satisfaction with the ability to receive news alerts directly to their mobile phones (14%).

Figure 3 

User Activism According to its Usefulness

Source: Elaborated by the authors

Regarding technical factors, users mainly highlight the accessibility and functionality of the tool (38%) or the originality of the format (24%) (Figure 4), as it is also corroborated in other studies on the production and distribution of news on Telegram (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2023; Hintea et al., 2018).

Looking at the figure above, it's clear that users don't consider interaction (4%) an important factor in the application. This is because, in terms of information consumption, Telegram is not only a two-way system, but also allows the creation of one-way communication channels, which enhances its functionality.

Figure 4

Technical, Formal and Functional Factors

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

More on this later, most media outlets limit themselves to distributing information and journalistic content, without establishing a friendly relationship with the user. In Spain, the unidirectional model predominates in the media (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2018). These outlets simply distribute information accompanied by a link and a brief text describing the news. However, there are other media outlets that do seek to capture the public's attention through multimedia resources (Sánchez Gonzales, 2016), using emoticons, videos or audio, and a more approachable language that directly addresses the user. In this latter case, news production is characterized by a new format that brings the user closer to the media outlet (Custódio da Silva & Pires Rocha, 2015).

Regardless of audience feedback, according to this study, Telegram users who express satisfaction prioritize aspects such as its use as a communication channel (41%) or a mobilization tool (25%) (Figure 5). They use both public and, above all, private channels—which are generally related to political information (50%)—rather than other types of information, as will be discussed later.

Figure 5

Aspects That Users Value in Telegram

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Conversely, users who are dissatisfied with the information obtained from Spanish media outlets on Telegram cite their preference for other applications as the reason of such behavior. It is also significant to note that its limited social adoption (9%) does not hinder user satisfaction with the tool, as shown in Figure 5.

When consulting information (Figure 6), users mainly choose to access current news (75%) compared to entertainment information (25%), based on political information and, to a lesser extent, sports information.

Figure 6

Information Usually Accessed by the User 

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Despite the indicator shown in the previous figure regarding the majority of surveyed users' use of the platform for consuming current information, the audience does not only use it for informational purposes. They also opt for other related uses (Figure 7) such as leisure (10%), online shopping (36%), and gambling (20%).

Figure 7

Non-Informational Channels Usually Accessed by the User 

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Other users also resort to chats with groups of friends (12%) or, directly, do not give the tool any additional use (22%) other than searching for information.

Regarding the consultation of informational content, users prefer to search for information on official media channels (43%) and audiovisual content distribution channels (e.g., Netflix) (31%), as can be seen in Figure 8. Other users also prefer the experience of interacting with bots/chatbots (e.g., Politibot) through the application (14%).

Figure 8

Channels and Bots for Distributing Informational and Audiovisual Content Usually Accessed by the User 

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

Telegram has emerged as a platform for sharing and accessing news, and the user response has been positive, according to the data from this research. However, its frequency of use in social settings is still much lower than that of other messaging applications such as WhatsApp or prominent social networks such as Facebook, Instagram, or Twitter (IAB Spain, 2024). According to Figure 9, the majority of users who use or have used Telegram do so only on a monthly basis (55%). Only 28% access it daily and 14% weekly.

Figure 9

Frequency of Access

Source: Elaborated by the authors

5. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

This research concludes that Telegram has a significant social component in its use, which is primarily channeled in two ways: the consumption of information that allows users to stay informed about current events, and its use as a channel for organizing, communicating, and mobilizing social groups. Its impact as a coordination tool in activist movements in Europe, such as the protests in Catalonia or the Yellow Vests movement, has been key in confirming that the messaging application facilitates communication and mobilization among users, as well as highlighting the positive user feedback regarding news distributed on Telegram.

The emergence of these platforms, coupled with the growing prominence of civic engagement thanks to technological advancements, has been key to the fight for political and social causes and the defense of human rights (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2021). In the case of Telegram, its technical capabilities have allowed it to become an alternative channel for communication and digital activism. Its relevance in countries like Russia, China, and Iran has reached the point of making the tool a symbol of democracy, civic freedom, and the fight against government censorship.

Both this informational activism and the audience's evaluation of the app are aspects to consider in information distribution. According to the data from this study, the audience response is positive, and most users utilize Telegram as a communication channel, both to consult information and for specific moments of social mobilization. For these users, the main advantages of the tool lie in the accessibility and functionality offered by the platform, especially for staying informed and obtaining the main current news. Its emergence as a tool in fields such as journalism and political communication has been notable and relevant, but at a social level and in terms of everyday use by citizens, it still has limited adoption in Spain. Currently, Telegram has a loyal and sociologically well-defined user base, corresponding to a young, activist-leaning profile with an interest in current events and a high level of technological literacy (Martos Moreno & Sánchez Gonzales, 2021). But, for the moment, the platform has little impact beyond areas such as journalism, politics, or digital activism.

While Telegram is currently just another communication channel within media outlets' information strategies, it still has room for development. It took three years for Telegram to settle in before it was widely adopted by the media (Sedano-Amundarain & Palomo-Torres, 2018). But thanks to its strengths, it has become one of the most suitable applications for communication and, therefore, for journalistic use in content dissemination (Sánchez Gonzales & Martos Moreno, 2023).

Telegram is now more popular among mobile device users thanks to its ability to share both textual and non-textual content (Anglano et al., 2017). However, from a deontological perspective, reservations persist regarding its use, since the very privacy and encryption that represent one of its most outstanding features can also be a breeding ground for the trafficking and proliferation of fake news online (Galán, 2021; Herasimenka et al., 2023).

In this sense, the use of Telegram can have complex ethical and political implications for mobilization and information dissemination because, while it facilitates the rapid organization of groups of people, it is also a tool that can distribute disinformation, as highlighted in recent research from the University of Granada (UGRDivulga, 2024). Therefore, it is worth asking to what extent it could be a space for misinformed mobilization or an ambivalent tool. Future studies should delve deeper into this issue due to constant technological changes, shifts in consumption habits (Martos Moreno & Sánchez Gonzales, 2024), and the risks of spreading hoaxes and manipulating information in new formats and channels. However, it is crucial to ensure effective strategies for citizen literacy and regulation based on journalistic ethics.

Telegram can continue to grow both as an activist information tool and in general, primarily due to the privacy and security it offers. Everything will depend on audience trends and whether it manages to gain wider acceptance in society.

This study focuses on non-probability sampling, which limits the representativeness and generalizability of the results. While this approach has yielded interesting data on the research objectives, these findings cannot be generalized to other Telegram users or to other geographical areas. Therefore, future research should consider probabilistic sampling techniques to achieve greater representativeness and generalizability, and to broaden the applicability of the findings to other contexts.

6. REFERENCES

Akbari, A., & Gabdulhakov, R. (2019). Platform Surveillance and Resistance in Iran and Russia: The Case of Telegram. Surveillance&Society, 17(1/2), 223-231. https://doi.org/10.24908/ss.v17i1/2.12928

Allen-Perkins, D. (2022). Más allá de la solidaridad virtual: el uso de las tecnologías digitales de la comunicación en el movimiento antirrepresivo de Extremadura, España. Yeiyá, Revista de Estudios Críticos, 1, 167-178. https://www.ceeol.com/search/article-detail?id=1058495

Alvarado Pavez, G. (2020). Language ideologies on Spanish in Facebook pages and communities: language and social identity policies in contemporary Chile. Doxa Comunicación. Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies and Social Sciences, 31, 265-281. https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n31a13 

Anglano, C., Canonico, M., & Guazzone, M. (2017). Forensic Analysis of Telegram Messenger on Android Smartphones. Digital Investigation, 23, 31-49. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.diin.2017.09.002 

BBC (April 18, 2018). El intento frustrado de Rusia para bloquear Telegram que dejó inactivas 18 millones de IP de Google y Amazon. https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-43810964

Cabero-Almenara, J., & Llorente-Cejudo, M. (2013). La aplicación del juicio de experto como técnica de evaluación de las tecnologías de la información (TIC). Eduweb, 7(2), 11-22. https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=4857163 

Casas Anguita, J., Repullo Labrador, J. R., & Donado Campos, J. (2003). La encuesta como técnica de investigación. Elaboración de cuestionarios y tratamiento estadístico de los datos (I). Atención Primaria, 31, 527-538. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0212-6567(03)70728-8 

Cea d’Ancona, M. A. (2010). Métodos y Técnicas de Investigación cuantitativa. Editorial Síntesis.

Chao Su, C., Chan, M., & Paik, S. (2022). Telegram and the anti-ELAB movement in Hong Kong: reshaping networked social movements through symbolic participation and spontaneous interaction. Chinese Journal of Communication, 15(3), 431-448. https://doi.org/10.1080/17544750.2022.2092167 

Cid, G., & Méndez, M. A. (October 18, 2019). La lucha independentista está en Internet: así usan Telegram y las redes para tomar la calle. El Confidencial. https://www.elconfidencial.com/tecnologia/2019-10-18/telegram-whatsapp-tsunami-democratic-proces-barcelona_2287891/ 

Custódio da Silva, L., & Pires Rocha, J. L. (2015). A participação do ouvinte no Jornal da CBN: uma análise sobre a utilização do aplicativo WhatsApp na construção do noticiário. Ancora: Revista Latino-americana de Jornalismo, 2(1), 116-137. https://periodicos.bbn.ufpb.br/index.php/ancora/article/view/24689  

Dafonte-Gómez, A., & Corbacho-Valencia, J. (2020). Fact-cheking en Telegram. Estudio comparativo entre Newtral y Maldito Bulo. In Asociación Española de Investigación de la Comunicación (Ed.), Comunicación y Diversidad. Libro de Comunicaciones del VII Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Española de Investigación de la Comunicación (pp. 1216-1228). Asociación Española de Investigación de la Comunicación. https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=8042409

Fatkin, J. M., & Lansdown, T. C. (2015). Prosocial media in action. Computers in Human Behavior, 48, 581-586. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2015.01.060 

Fernández Ruiz, R. (2018). El móvil como propagador de las revueltas en Irán de diciembre de 2017. El caso de la red social Telegram. In C. Langa, & L. Ballesteros-Aguayo (Ed.), Movimientos populistas en Europa: La actualización del discurso totalitario en los medios de comunicación actuales y su repercusión en la opinión pública (pp. 123-126). Egregius.  

Galán, C. (December 3, 2021). Las campañas de desinformación y la responsabilidad de las redes y plataformas de comunicación: el caso de Telegram. Real Instituto Elcano. https://www.realinstitutoelcano.org/analisis/las-campanas-de-desinformacion-y-la-responsabilidad-de-las-redes-y-plataformas-de-comunicacion-el-caso-de-telegram/

García, F. (May 2, 2016). Políticos y jefes de prensa, en tromba a Telegram. La Vanguardia. http://www.lavanguardia.com/politica/20160502/401512151100/politicos-jefes-de-prensa-tromba-telegram.html

Gil de Zúñiga, H. (2015). Toward an european public sphere? The promise and perils of modern democracy in the age of digital and social media. International Journal of Communication, 9, 3152-3160. https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/4783 

Gil, A. (April 19, 2016). La política invade Telegram. Eldiario.es. http://www.eldiario.es/politica/Telegram-asalta-politica-invade_0_507099699.html 

Giménez, J. (January 25, 2022). Desinformación en Telegram: cómo se propaga y por qué los desinformantes eligen esta red de mensajería. Chequeado. https://chequeado.com/el-explicador/desinformacion-en-telegram-como-se-propaga-y-por-que-los-desinformantes-eligen-esta-red-de-mensajeria/ 

González del Miño, P. (2014). La utilización de las redes sociales como activismo político en Egipto: La revuelta 2.0 en el contexto de la “Primavera Árabe”. La balsa de piedra: revista de teoría y geoestrategia iberoamericana y mediterránea, 8(2), 1-14. https://dialnet.unirioja.es/servlet/articulo?codigo=4744605 

Hintea, D., Sangins, A., & Bird, R. (2018). Forensic analysis of the Telegram instant messenger application on Android devices. European conference on cyber warfare and security. Academic conferences international limited, 12, 217-223. https://www.proquest.com/docview/2076999714?pq-origsite=gscholar&fromopenview=true&sourcetype=Conference%20Papers%20&%20Proceedings 

Interactive Advertising Bureau Spain. (2024). Estudio anual de redes sociales. https://iabspain.es/estudio/estudio-de-redes-sociales-2024/ 

Kargar, S., & McManamen, K. (2018). Censorship and Collateral Damage: Analyzing the Telegram Ban in Iran. Berkman Klein Center Research Publication, 4, 1-24. https://doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.3244046 

Lombart, G. (December 7, 2018). Gilets jaunes: la tentation des messageries chiffrées. Le Parisien. http://www.leparisien.fr/societe/gilets-jaunes-la-tentation-des-messageries-cryptees-07-12-2018-7963281.php 

Martínez Martínez, M. J. (2017). Prácticas mediáticas y movimientos sociales: el activismo transnacional de Marea Granate. Index comunicación, 7(3), 31-50. https://indexcomunicacion.es/index.php/indexcomunicacion/article/view/340 

Martos Moreno, J., & Sánchez Gonzales, H. M. (2021). Comunicación interna de los partidos políticos en plataformas de mensajería móvil. In J. Álvarez, & S. Méndez Muros (Eds.), Periodismo y Comunicación Institucional (pp. 201-219). Fragua.

Masip, P., Guallar, J., Suau, J., Ruiz-Caballero, C., & Peralta, M. (2015). News and networks: audience behavior. El profesional de la información, 24(4), 363-370. http://dx.doi.org/10.3145/epi.2015.jul.02

Matthijs, G. (2019). Penser la communication horizontale dans le cadre de mouvements sociaux. Interrogations, 28. https://www.revue-interrogations.org/Penser-la-communication

Molina Fernández, Y. J. (2017). El activismo político virtual y la configuración del ciudadano liberal en Egipto: el estallido de la Primavera Árabe y el surgimiento del ciudadano periodista como sujeto político emergente [Trabajo de grado, Universidad de Antioquia]. Repositorio Institucional https://bibliotecadigital.udea.edu.co/entities/publication/9fb4462b-9142-4c84-a172-b33c7d02464a

Molins Renter, A. (October 13, 2019). ¿Por qué Telegram se ha convertido en la app de los indignados? La Vanguardia. https://www.lavanguardia.com/tecnologia/actualidad/20191013/47904288219/telegram-whatsapp-aplicacion-movilizacion-politica.html 

Negreira-Rey, M. C., López-García, X., & Lozano-Aguiar, L. (2017). Instant messaging networks as a new channel to spread the news: Use of WhatsApp and Telegram in the Spanish online media of proximity. In Á. Rocha, A. Correia, H. Adeli, L. Reis, & S. Costanzo (Eds.), Recent advances in information systems and technologies. WorldCIST 2017. Advances in intelligent systems and computing (Vol. 571, pp. 64-72). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56541-5_8 

Pinazo-Calatayud, D., Nos-Aldás, E., & Agut-Nieto, S. (2020). Comunicar en positivo o negativo en el activismo social. Comunicar, 28(62), 69-78. https://doi.org/10.3916/C62-2020-06 

Poster, W. R. (2021). Striking by Telegram, Avatar, and Geotag: Changing ICT Landscapes of Virtual Protest in India. International Journal of Communication, 15, 4360-4382. https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/16529 

Columbia Global Freedom of Expression (n.d.). Roskomnadzor v. Telegram. https://globalfreedomofexpression.columbia.edu/cases/roskomnadzor-v-telegram/ 

Salikov, A. (2019). Telegram as a means of political communication and its use by Russia’s ruling elite. Politologija, 95(3), 83-110. https://www.journals.vu.lt/politologija/article/download/15019/14040 

Sampedro, V., & Martinez Avidad, M. (2018). The digital public sphere: An alternative and counter hegemonic space? The case of Spain. International Journal of Communication, 12, 23-44. https://ijoc.org/index.php/ijoc/article/view/6943 

Sánchez Gonzales, H. M. (2016). Regularización de la actividad periodística y perfiles profesionales: Medios sociales y conectividad 2.0 con la audiencia. In Nuevos retos para el Periodista. Innovación, creación y emprendimiento (pp. 63-97). Tirant Humanidades.

Sánchez Gonzales, H., & Martos Moreno, J. (May 24-25, 2018). Telegram como nueva estrategia de comunicación e información periodística en España. XXIV Congreso Internacional de la Sociedad Española de Periodística. Universidad de Málaga, Málaga, España. 

Sánchez Gonzales, H. M., & Martos Moreno, J. (2020). Telegram como herramienta para periodistas: percepción y uso. Revista de Comunicación, 19(2), 246-261. https://www.doi.org/10.26441/RC19.2-2020-A14 

Sánchez Gonzales, H. M., & Martos Moreno, J. (2021). Dispositivos móviles y mensajería instantánea: Telegram, libertad de expresión y derechos humanos. In N. García, & C. Turón (Eds.), Exégesis sobre comunicación y derechos humanos (pp. 123-138). Trea.

Sánchez Gonzales, H. M., & Martos Moreno, J. (2023). Production and distribution of media news on Telegram. Communication & Society, 36(1), 95-112. https://doi.org/10.15581/003.36.1.95-112 

Sánchez Gonzales H. M., & Martos Moreno J. (2024). Consumo incidental de noticias en Telegram. Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodístico, 30(1), 167-176. https://doi.org/10.5209/esmp.92127 

Sánchez Gonzales, H., & Sánchez González, M. (2017). Bots as a news service and its emotional connection with audiences. The case of Politibot. Doxa Comunicación. Interdisciplinary Journal of Communication Studies and Social Sciences, 25, 63-84. https://doi.org/10.31921/doxacom.n25a3

Sedano-Amundarain, J., & Palomo-Torres, M. B. (2018). Aproximación metodológica al impacto de WhatsApp y Telegram en las redacciones. Hipertext.net, 16, 61-67. http://dx.doi.org/10.31009/hipertext.net.2018.i16.10

Sierra, R. (2008). Técnicas de investigación Social. Teoría y ejercicios. Thomson.  

Talant, B. (October 12, 2021). How journalists can address misinformation on Telegram. Reuters Institute. https://reutersinstitute.politics.ox.ac.uk/how-journalists-can-address-misinformation-telegram 

UGRDivulga (2024). Una investigación analiza la desinformación que circula en Telegram. Canal UGR. https://canal.ugr.es/noticia/una-investigacion-de-la-universidad-de-granada-y-maldita-es-analiza-la-desinformacion-que-circula-en-telegram/ 

Vehovar, V., Toepoel, V., & Steinmetz, S. (2016). Non-probability sampling. In C. Wolf, D. Joye, T. W. Smith, & Y. Fu (Eds.), The Sage handbook of survey methods (pp. 329-345). SAGE Publication Ltd. 

Wu, A. (November 7, 2019). Policía de Hong Kong intenta piratear Telegram, herramienta clave de las protestas, dice fuente. The Epoch Times. https://es.theepochtimes.com/policia-de-hong-kong-intenta-piratear-telegram-herramienta-clave-en-las-protestas-dice-fuente_554019.html 

Yus, F. (2007). Virtualidades reales: Nuevas formas de comunidad en la era de Internet. Universidad de Alicante. 

AUTHORS' CONTRIBUTIONS, FUNDING AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Authors' Contributions

Conceptualization: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Methodology: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Validation: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Formal Analysis: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Data Curation: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Drafting: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Drafting, Revision, and Editing: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Visualization: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Supervision: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. Project Management: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier. All authors have read and accepted the published version of the manuscript: Sánchez Gonzales, Hada M. and Martos Moreno, Javier.

Funding: This research did not receive external funding.

 

AUTHOR(S)

Hada M. Sánchez Gonzales: She holds a Doctorate in Journalism, she is a University Professor, and she serves as director of the Communication Projects Laboratory (LabProCom, in Spanish), the GIATI Research Group—Information Analysis and Techniques—and the scientific journal Textual & Visual Media, published by the Spanish Society of Journalism (SEP, in Spanish) . She specializes in innovation and entrepreneurship, artificial intelligence, digital journalism, fact-checking, and social media. She participates in competitive projects at the international, national, and regional levels, and her work has had a cross-border impact.

misago@us.es

 Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5078-2184

 

Javier Martos Moreno: Journalist and researcher. Inter-university doctoral student in Communication at the University of Seville. Member of the Communication Projects Laboratory (LabProCom, in Spanish). He holds a Master’s degree in Institutional and Political Communication from the University of Seville. He has worked in the media (TV, radio, and print) and in corporate communications (MAS Group). He has participated as an author and speaker at various national and international communication conferences (IAMCR, SEP, International Congress on Communication and Thought…), focusing on journalism, audiences, and digital communication. Winner of the 2019 Seville Open Innovation Award.

javiermm94@gmail.com

Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1659-3723

¹ Hada M. Sánchez Gonzales: She holds a Doctorate in Journalism, she is a University Professor, and she serves as director of the Communication Projects Laboratory (LabProCom, in Spanish).