Vivat Academia (2025).
ISSN: 1575-2844
Received: 05/11/2024 Accepted: 27/02/2025 Published: 19/05/2025 |
Palma Peña-Jiménez[1]: Rey Juan Carlos University. Spain.
Jessica Zorogastua Camacho: Rey Juan Carlos University. Spain.
Peña-Jiménez, Palma & Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica (2025). The electoral spot on YouTube. Analysis of the Spanish general elections in 2023. Vivat Academia, 158, 1-27. https://doi.org/10.15178/va.2025.158.e1566
Introduction. This study analyzes the role of the electoral spot as a key tool in audiovisual political communication during campaigns, in a context where citizens primarily consume information through digital screens. Methodology. The research focuses on the videos published on the official YouTube channels of the four major national parties in Spain’s 2023 general elections: PP, PSOE, Vox, and Sumar; which together accounted for 84.5% of parliamentary representation. Using a quantitative analysis of impact and engagement metrics, the study examines usage levels, reach, and voter response on this platform. Results. The findings show that parties with less presence in traditional media rely more heavily on the digital ecosystem, achieving greater visibility, while the PSOE, the ruling party at the time, concentrated its efforts on analog channels. Discussion. Vox was the party with the most followers and "likes" on YouTube, in contrast to PSOE, which, despite lower use of the platform and a smaller follower base, achieved the highest engagement. Conclusions. In conclusion, the study highlights the growing importance of digital channels in political communication and reveals significant strategic differences among parties based on their institutional position and media presence.
Keywords: election campaign, election, election spot, political video, YouTube.
Electoral spots have been defined as spaces for buying time on television to place political messages (Kaid & Johnston, 2001). In many countries such as the United Kingdom, the USA or Mexico, among others, political advertising time can be purchased, while in Spain, electoral spaces on television are regulated by the General Electoral Law (LOREG) still in force, which grants each party a limited amount of time, depending on its representation in the previous elections. However, “political processes have been modified in the face of the irruption of digital platforms” (Berrocal Gonzalo et al., 2012), which has allowed other spaces without the mandatory intermediation of the State. Currently, it is evident and politicians are aware that they have a lot at stake in social networks and must adapt to the digital environment to communicate with their constituents (de Sola & Pascual, 2024, p. 6).
Since the appearance on the scene of the Internet, social networks and digital platforms, the references of broadcasting spots on public television instituted by the LOREG have become obsolete. Today the electoral spot is not only managed in regulated spaces, but rather in networks such as Twitter (now renamed X), Instagram, Facebook and YouTube (Plazas-Olmedo & López-Rabadán, 2022) and are broadcast on multiple platforms.
This evolution of the dissemination channels influences the nature of the content, which in the case of political communication is materialized in the transition from the electoral spot to the digital spot, where “digital technology and the expansion of social networks have given great versatility to the production and dissemination of political videos” (Plazas-Olmedo & López-Rabadán, 2022, p. 307) that must adapt to new formats and languages, through the construction of stories that show the life of politicians or bring them closer to the citizens (Baeza, 2016).
YouTube, the specialized video platform, has redefined the distribution and characteristics of political audiovisual content. YouTube has contributed to the infotainment phenomenon, which emerged at the end of the 20th century with the rise of news programs that incorporated entertainment elements: “politainment” or “infotainment”, a combination of “information” and “entertainment”, transferring it to the Internet and maximizing its possibilities (Gil Ramírez et al., 2019). Content creators began to use eye-catching resources and titles, simpler messages and dynamic visual narratives to capture the viewer's attention and reach a larger audience (Berrocal Gonzalo et al., 2012; Gil Ramírez et al., 2020).
Studies on YouTube in electoral processes analyze the uses of this platform since its use for the first time in the 2009 European elections and highlight its wide reach and ability to segment specific audiences (Vesnic Alujevic & Van Bauwel, 2014); its ability to complement campaigns with more personalized messages in the 2016 general elections in Spain (Berrocal Gonzalo et al., 2017), and present as a shared conclusion the ease of YouTube to disseminate its messages to less politicized young voters, being a popular network in this segment of the population and more accustomed to “infotainment”. However, the potential impact of the political communication of this platform is not as powerful when the message is not in line with the previous beliefs of the viewer and their level of political knowledge is low (Bowyer, Kahney Middaugh, 2017).
Although it seems that in the electoral video -whether in networks or in the classic television format- the presence of the candidate remains unalterable. On “YouTube most campaign videos give visibility above all to the main leader, a rule that is more than fulfilled in the case of Vox (63.64%), PSOE (57.14%) and Podemos (50%)” (Plazas-Olmedo & López-Rabadán, 2022, p. 324). Institutional and professionalized formats tend to coexist with other more informal and typical of networks, as happened in the 2019 general elections. Despite the permanence of these lines, there is no doubt that the Internet is modifying our political practices and that the dissemination of spots outside the space established by legislation is increasing (Villar-Hernández & Pelliser Rossell, 2021).
The IAB Spain study, published in May 2023, at the beginning of the local and regional election campaign, presents data on the penetration and use of networks, which continues to be stable, reaching pre-pandemic levels: 85% of Spanish Internet users, aged 12 to 74, use networks for an average of one hour a day, reaching 30 million individuals who use networks for entertainment (80%), interaction (65%) and information and understanding current affairs (54%) (IAB, 2023). Parties are aware of these data and take advantage of these channels to broadcast campaign spots, being aware that one out of every two users find advertising on this communication channel annoying.
The main objective of this study is the analysis of the electoral videos that the parties, which ran for the general elections of 2023, published on their official YouTube accounts. The focus is on the dissemination of the digital electoral spot from the call to the voting day, focusing more on the political videos made in a professional way.
The data have been collected by reviewing these official YouTube accounts and monitoring these four national parties.
The electoral spot could be defined as a premeditated audiovisual message, of perlocutive character, controlled and designed by the political party, without media manipulation, whose intention is to persuade and attract the voter to get his vote. The control of the political party over the disseminated message and its persuasive-perlocutionary nature is a determining factor. Sádaba (2003) and García Beaudoux and D'Adamo (2006) point out that the spots are political messages, persuasive, designed by the parties and not mediatized by the media, since they are delivered in a closed format for broadcasting. Evidently, the spot is decided by the party, generally after commissioning experts from the advertising or even cinematographic world.
Like commercials, the electoral spot is continuously repeated to fix the message, to get space on the screens and to get visibility. It works like the commercial advertisement, generally trying to sell the candidate. In other words, “the electoral video is an audiovisual political, persuasive and pragmatic discourse. It is a locutionary, illocutionary and perlocutionary discourse with clear and specific objectives” (Peña-Jiménez, 2014, p. 78) and the piece is edited thinking of an audience accustomed to audiovisual, with film and advertising techniques, closer to the commercial format than the ideological one. It is an audiovisual message for a citizen who lives connected to the screens, the homo videns of which Sartori (1998) spoke.
Regarding the paradigms of the electoral spot, the typology established by Peña-Jiménez (2010, p. 54) is based on Devlin (1987), one of the pioneers in this field: 1) Talking bust, talking head or talking head ads: ads where the candidate is seen speaking directly to the camera in a short shot. 2) Cinéma verité: short film showing the candidate in everyday scenes, working in an office, at a rally, with his family, etc. 3) Documentary advertisements: they show the candidate's achievements. Suitable for those running for second terms. 4) Man-in-the-street ad: alleged citizens who speak in favor of the candidate and pretend to represent the average voter (whether retired, female, young people) by representing different targets, although voters recognize that it is scripted. 5)Life portion advertisement or docudrama: attempts to show a natural conversation in an everyday scene. 6) Testimonials: public and well-known personalities (singers, actors, celebrities, etc.) who speak in favor of the candidate. 7) Bio spot: biographical ad presenting the candidate's life story. 8) Independent ads sponsored by organizations. 9) Negative ads that disqualify the opponent. 10) Informative: it uses the simulation of a television news program. 11) Song: the ad is a song in support of the candidate. It happened in Zapatero's 2009 campaign with “Defender la alegría”, with lyrics from Mario Benedetti's poem. This production was preceded by “Yes, we can” in support of Obama, created by will.i.am and featuring stars such as Scarlet Johanson, Herbie Hancock, Adam Rodriguez, etc. 12) Cartoons: this typology was used by the PSC (Socialist Party of Catalonia) in a negative approach against its adversary and under the title “Nines russes”. It can be found in productions of IU (United Left), Ciutadans, Na-Bai, etc. It is an economical format and can generate very adapted, ad hoc images.
Garramone (1986) proposes a typology that distinguishes the so-called issue spots, i.e., those that present a theme or proposal, from image spots, which focus on emotional content.
These ads/spots usually present a priority approach that is referred to as management according to the approach adopted (positive, negative or contrasting) as established by the Annenberg School of the University of Pennsylvania (USA):
In the same campaign, the spots of a party may present different views or approaches, some of them in favor of the candidate and positive, together with negative or frontal attack ads. Regarding the negative (Peña-Jiménez, 2011a) or comparative-negative spots, it can be pointed out that they are usually directed to those closest to the candidate, to the like-minded, affiliates and sympathizers with the intention of mobilizing their own vote. They are remembered more than the positive ones, although “experts advise moderation in this type of advertisement, since excess can have the opposite effect to that sought” (Peña-Jiménez, 2011b), and if it is excessive it can act as a boomerang.
In 2023, Spain was facing two elections: an autonomous regional election, to which 12 regions representing 51% of the country's population were called, and the general elections, which were to be held at the end of the legislative period, in December 2023.
The regional elections were held on May 28 and more than 35 million voters were summoned (National Institute of Statistics, 2023). The two major parties: the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party (PSOE, in Spanish) in the Government and the Popular Party (PP) in the opposition, approached the campaign as a first round of the general elections.
The municipal elections were won by the PP with 31.5% of the vote, seven hundred thousand votes ahead of the PSOE, which obtained 28.2% of the ballots. Vox retained third place, with 7.1%; Ciudadanos, the third political force in 2019, only obtained 1.3% and disappeared from the political map; Unidas Podemos lost representation in many important cities (Ministerio del Interior, 2023).
With respect to regional governments, the PP renewed by majority the regions of Madrid and Murcia, snatched seven regions from the PSOE, where it could govern in coalition with other parties, and the PSOE retained two autonomous regions. This electoral turnaround was quickly described by politicians, journalists and analysts as “the blue wave”, since it presented the PP with autonomic power in 12 of the 17 regions of the country and in the two autonomous cities (Hernández, 2023; García, 2023).
Twelve hours after the electoral results were known, the President of the Government announced the calling of general elections for July 23rd (Presidencia de Gobierno, 2023), a new electoral appointment in less than two months, being the first time that elections would be held in Spain during the summer period.
One day after the call, the PSOE published its first pre-campaign video on its X account (formerly Twitter), with the title “La mentira” (The lie), with negative treatment, which focused on what were issues in the opposition and mobilization against PP governments in the past, the Yak-42, the Prestige or 11-M (Barro, 2023). It quickly had 3.6 million reproductions and was questioned as a “dirty campaign” (Muñoz, 2023), reminiscent of the famous video of the “Doberman” of the PSOE in 1996, the first negative electoral spot in Spain, which sought the reprobation of the adversary without further ado (Peña-Jiménez, 2011b).
The analysis is carried out on the official accounts of political parties on YouTube, from the call for elections on May 29 until the voting date, July 23, 2023. In this network, the parties broadcast their main videos, record the quantitative activity of these contents and create a community. The data were collected from July 25 to October 25, 2023.
Although it cannot be affirmed that voters follow the campaign through YouTube, it can be seen, as other studies on electoral campaigns and diffusion in networks point out, “a growing use of emerging media, which already compete with television for the attention of voters” (García González & Iturralde Chaparro, 2023, p. 369), especially among the youngest voters.
The study focuses on the four national-level parties that, in the previous general elections of November 10, 2019, had obtained more than 80% of the national deputies. Following the 2019 data, the videos of PSOE, 28% of the votes; PP with 20.81%; Vox, which occupied the third position with 15.08% and Unidas Podemos, which reached 12.86%, were analyzed. In the latter case, it was commuted by the recent Sumar party, which includes multiple platforms that in 2019 had been attached to Unidas Podemos. Ciudadanos, which had 6.8% of the votes in 2019, decided not to run in the 2023 general elections in view of the dismal results in the autonomic elections.
The four national-level parties analyzed reached 296 deputies, 84.5% of the total number of representatives in the Congress of Deputies (Ministerio del Interior, 2019). In the general elections of 2023, the result is that these analyzed parties have obtained 322 deputies, 92% of the total number of representatives in the chamber.
The study focuses on the analysis of political videos made in a professional manner -with a planned production-, avoiding those that use other content as raw material (such as cuts of speeches, events, interviews, etc.) and those classified on the YouTube platform itself as “shorts”, short videos that can last up to 60 seconds, similar to those of other social networks and that are usually prioritized by the algorithm over regular videos, but whose production is neither professional nor planned.
In the data analysis, in addition to the impact on the audience based on the number of video views, this research takes into account for the analysis the degree of interaction and engagement with the spots through the engagement rate.
Engagement is a metric that existed before the digitalization of the media and Nelson (2021) offers a study and new definitions in this regard, however, in the digital world its measurement formula may vary, because it is mainly used by digital audience measurement companies. In this research this factor has been taken into account, and the form agreed and used by different researchers has been sought, which includes several factors such as likes, comments, shares and views, determining the formula to use (the one commonly used by marketers, analytical tools developers and academics according to professional publications) composed by the total interactions (x100) devided into the total number of video reproductions.
Table 1
Measurement formula for engagement rate.
|
Total Interactions x 100 |
Engagement Rate = |
----------------------------- |
|
Total Views |
Source: López-Navarrete et al., 2021.
A rate between 0.5% and 2% is considered to be acceptable, since it measures the proportion of viewers who are interacting with the video in the form of “likes”, comments and shares.
Summarizing, the corpus of the four national groups that obtained representatives in the lower house is analyzed with a direct observation methodology of the data that is analyzed with a qualitative methodology, answering the following research questions:
The results show that the four parties analyzed during the two months of the 2023 pre-campaign and electoral campaign publish videos, although they differ in style, publication volume, formats, followers and results.
Regarding followers, it should be noted that the accounts present a great difference in subscribers, when the data collection was completed. The party with the most subscribers in its YouTube account is Vox, which exceeds 500,000, being the party with the most recent irruption in the political scene (it was created in 2013 but did not obtain regional representation until 2019). It is followed by the PP with 114,000, practically tripling the third place occupied by the PSOE, whose account is followed by 42,000 subscribers.
A singular case is Sumar which, although it is a coalition created in 2023, brings together left-wing parties with great experience in communication such as Izquierda Unida (founded in 1986), Unidas Podemos (founded in 2014), or Más País (founded in 2019). Despite barely reaching 9,000 subscribers on its YouTube channel, Sumar's production of political videos was similar to that of the PP or PSOE.
Regarding the number of publications, Vox is once again the party that published the most videos, exceeding 50% of the total content published by all political parties in this campaign: 171 out of 333 videos disseminated on YouTube were from Vox, disseminating 2.6 times more than PSOE, tripling those of PP and quadrupling those of Sumar.
Figure 1
Videos published by party and type on YouTube in the 2023 general election campaign.
|
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
However, in the production of professional and planned videos, i.e. content designed for campaigning as traditional political spots, the figures do not show such significant differences.
The PP published 11 videos, of which 5 were versions with different lengths; the PSOE presented 5; Vox published 8, of which there was one version and Sumar produced 6. This production of 6.5 traditional spots indicates that this format shows a homogeneous use.
Figure 2
Total number of videos vs. electoral spots by political party professionals in the 2023 general elections.
|
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
Regarding the impact of the videos published on YouTube, it can be affirmed that the official and campaign launch spots are the most viewed. In descending order, Vox achieved 4.7 million views, followed by the PP, whose spot was seen by more than 1 million people, and Sumar, which reached 620,000 views during the campaign period.
The number of views of these three parties, although different, is counted by hundreds of thousands and contrasts significantly with the dissemination achieved by the PSOE, whose first spot reached 3,700 views and the second, its most viewed video, obtained 6,200 views. This difference in dissemination suggests that the parties competing with the PSOE, the party in government, were more active in social networks, while the PSOE's communication would focus more on traditional channels due to the access it had as a government, which would confirm the idea of Sampedro (2021) who, after reviewing the hybrid and digital communication in Spain in the last 20 years, points out that it is the new parties who use the networks as an alternative space and with greater accuracy.
Figure 3
Views of electoral spots analyzed by parties in the 2023 general elections.
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
In the PP videos under analysis, it can be seen how the campaign launch video, with one million views, barely gets 92 likes, while the candidate's biography video, from his origins in a Galician village to his achievements in the regional government, gets 4,000 likes, highlighting the impact of the Biospot, which presented the candidate in a close and personal way. All in all, the engagement rate of the PP channel is good, standing at 0.4, close to 0.5, which is considered a positive result.
In the case of Vox, its communication strategy is based on the visualization of audiovisual content and focuses its efforts on social networks to directly reach its voters (Gil Ramírez et al., 2020; Castro Martínez & Díaz Morilla, 2021). The viewing of its spots is ten times higher than that of its political adversaries, PP and Sumar, whose spots achieved a maximum viewing of just over one million reproductions or more than six hundred thousand, respectively, compared to the 11.7 million views achieved by Vox. The engagemnt of this party is homogeneous, all the videos present a similar number of “likes”, in some cases counted by thousands, compared to the hundreds received by the other parties. However, with half a million followers, the number of interactions drops significantly, with an engagement rate of 0.19.
Sumar has similar results to those of the PP, despite the difference in the number of followers between the two parties and the number of spots produced. Sumar reaches one million seventy thousand reproductions, very close to the 1,200,000 views of the PP, and presents a very similar strategy. The campaign launching video obtained 620,000 views (57.7% of the total number of views) and the biography of its candidate reached 440,000 views, representing 98% of the views of all the electoral spots of this organization. It is remarkable the few subscribers of Sumar's YouTube channel compared to the high engagement it presents, since this channel was newly created for the presentation of the formation, although voters did know and disseminated its contents as they came from parties with a long trajectory such as UP, IU or the tides.
It is striking that the PSOE is the party with the highest engagement rate, due to the lower use of YouTube, but this is explained by the fact that having a small number of subscribers, interaction tends to be much more effective, as shown by the study of differences between macroinfluencers and microinfluencers by Marques et al. (2021).
Engagement and views of political party videos for the 2023 general elections.
|
YouTube Subscribers |
Views |
Likes |
Engagement |
PP |
114,000 |
1,207,800 |
5,613 |
0.4 |
PSOE |
42,200 |
17,000 |
1,184 |
6.9 |
Vox |
528,000 |
11,735,000 |
22,800 |
0.19 |
Sumar |
9,000 |
1,073,300 |
1,869 |
0.17 |
Source: Elaborated by the authors (2023).
In the official YouTube channel there are a total of 11 professional spots, out of the 30 published in the period under study. These spots can actually be reduced to 6, since 2 of them are remakes (20-, 30- or 60-second video cuts).
The news impact had more to do with the copyright controversy. Radio Televisión Española (RTVE), the public television, urged the PP to withdraw it for infringing the rights on the trademark, but the PP said through its spokespersons: “We have bought the musical rights and we are very pleased that Moncloa wants to amplify a friendly campaign of the PP like this one”, referring to the fact that it was more a political move of the incumbent government than an intellectual property rights issue (Martín, 2023).
Non-professional videos on YouTube generally present clips of the debate between the PP and PSOE candidates (30%), interventions in rallies or media (30%) and others. Shorts format videos are divided into 20% on the candidates' debate, 20% on the candidate's interventions, 20% versions of official videos and 40% of videos criticizing the government's management.
PP YouTube channel.
Video |
Duration |
Views |
Engagement |
Date of publication |
Approach |
Topic |
Typology |
Llega el #VeranoAzul |
20 seconds
|
5,9 K
|
124 likes
|
June 22, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Issue |
Un #VeranoAzul para todos |
1 minute
|
11 K |
166 likes |
June 22, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
España se merece un #VeranoAzul https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PXWq615UZeU |
1 minute |
3 K |
101 likes |
Jun 24, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
Historia del candidato Alberto Núñez Feijóo |
10 minutes |
160 K |
4 K likes
|
July 2, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Cinéma verité / |
23J VOTA FEIJÓO - ES EL MOMENTO |
1 minute |
2,4 K
|
144 likes |
July 7, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Bio spot |
ES EL MOMENTO - VOTA FEIJÓO 23J |
20 seconds
|
1 M
|
92 likes |
July 7, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
VOTA FEIJÓO 23J - ES EL MOMENTO |
30 seconds
|
2,1 K
|
102 likes
|
July 7, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
ES EL MOMENTO - VOTA FEIJÓO 23J |
20 seconds
|
2 K
|
108 likes
|
July 7, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
Quizá no seamos tu partido, pero sí somos la solución. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=USY_HIM2FmY |
2 minutos |
15 K
|
401 likes
|
July 14, 2023 |
Positive / Negative |
Political change |
Man in the street ads |
Venimos de todas partes |
1 22 minutes |
2,4 K
|
157 likes
|
July 18, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Talking bust |
El cambio está cerca, #EsElMomento de volver a unir a los españoles https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0U85xht3tOQ |
1:37 minutes |
4 K
|
218 likes
|
July 21, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Issue |
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
The PSOE launches its first videos the day after calling the elections. A piece with negative treatment, criticizing that its main adversary did not speak English, but it does not publish it on its YouTube channel at any time. In his official channel there is a gap of videos since the last spot posted before the regional elections. From May 26 to June 15, only two contents with interventions of the candidate were published.
In general, the videos of the official channel are cuts of statements in institutions, press, etc., highlighting the work of the PSOE and asking for the vote in more than 30%; 10% are videos on the debate of the candidates of the PSOE and PP; 10% against their main adversary; 10% informative videos (on the postal vote, the functioning of the D'Hont law), while professional videos represent 17%.
PSOE YouTube Channel.
Video |
Duration |
Views |
Engagement |
Date of publication |
Approach |
Topic |
Typology |
PSOE / La Mejor España. |
1:18 minutes |
3,3 K |
216 likes |
June 15, 2023 |
Positive |
Social Rights |
Man in the street advertisement |
PSOE / Orgullosa Familia Socialista #OrgulloLGTBI |
1 minute |
3,7 K
|
254 likes
|
June 26, 2023 |
Positive |
LGTBI |
Ads of a part of life |
PSOE / 🏳️🌈 Una bandera universal, felicidad, amor y de dignidad. |
43 seconds |
2,2 K |
194 likes |
June 30, 2023 |
Positive |
LGTBI |
Issue |
Adelante. Con Pedro Sánchez, España avanza. Vota PSOE. |
1:10 minutes |
6,3 K |
330 likes |
July 10, 2023 |
Contrast |
Social rights |
Man in the street advertisement |
PSOE / Las mujeres no quieren volver a otra época. Por tus derechos #VotaPSOE |
1:05 minutes |
1,6 K |
190 likes |
July 17, 2023 |
Negative/ Contrast |
Women and feminism |
Man in the street advertisement |
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
In this campaign, the PSOE broadcasted live on its YouTube channel a program presented by the candidate and President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, where he interviewed his ministers (only those of the PSOE and at no time any of Podemos, his partner in government). They are also broadcast on X, formerly Twitter, (live and deferred) and on Instagram, under the title “Sesión de trabajo. Pedro Sánchez con {name of the minister}” between June 19 and July 5, before the official start of the election campaign.
Criticism was received from the media against this initiative that did not allow the intervention of professionals -they were closed door events-, where they took stock of the Government and even pointed out measures that they would take in the electoral program, being as a Government in office (something that is not allowed by the Electoral Law) and where the President went from interviewee to interviewer. An unusual format in Spain, but well known in Latin America, in populist governments such as Venezuela's with its famous ¿Aló presidente? or in Cuba (López Macías, 2023; esdiario, 2023; COPE, 2023).
On YouTube, they posted edited summaries of these interviews and obtained between 4,000 and 7,000 views, representing 15% of the videos posted.
Vox's channel opens with its official campaign video, one minute long. During the campaign, the Vox channel doubled, tripled and quadrupled the use of videos and shorts compared to its opponents. The number of shorts being published is 25% higher compared to the other three formations.
It published 4 professional videos that got millions of views: 4.7 million views for the official 30-second spot; 2.7 million, 1.8 million and 1.4 million for the videos asking for votes in the last week. All his videos had thousands of views that we will see in conclusions. Of the 132 videos published on the official YouTube channel, those that stand out are those that, with a careful realization, presented acts and visits of the candidates (especially of their leader) combined with messages-proposals and criticisms to their adversaries. Those of criticism represented 35% of the total, and those focused on speeches of their candidates, total or partial, 45%.
Although all the videos appealed to their voters, the eight professional spots represented 6% of their production, but they were the ones that obtained the highest number of reproductions. Those editing press conferences or media interventions accounted for 10%.
Vox's professional spots focused on three typologies:
Table 5
VOX YouTube Channel.
Video |
Duration |
Views |
Engagement |
Date of publication |
Approach |
Topic |
Typology |
#DecideLoQueImporta | El primer compromiso de Santiago Abascal 🇪🇸 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ue90FaYGkfc&list=PLV9zP7Df1nvnYf11vnYaDe8ZLGEQqf4kX&index=29 |
3:21 minutes
|
423 K
|
2,4 K likes
|
June 29 |
Contrast |
Political change and economic and social electoral proposals |
Cinéma verité |
Spot electoral de Vox #VotaLoQueImporta |
1:02 minutes
|
62 K
|
3,3K likes
|
July 7 |
Negative |
Political change |
Cinéma verité / Bio spot |
Spot electoral de Vox para las elecciones del #23J https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iPbb--BxhNI&list=PLV9zP7Df1nvnYf11vnYaDe8ZLGEQqf4kX&index=57 |
30 minutes |
4,7 M
|
2,4 K likes
|
July 7 |
Contrast |
Political change |
Cinéma verité / Bio spot |
#DecideLoQueImporta | El segundo compromiso de Santiago Abascal 🇪🇸 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUU71ZTl13Y&list=PLV9zP7Df1nvnYf11vnYaDe8ZLGEQqf4kX&index=58 |
4:58 minutes
|
264 K |
1,4 K likes
|
July 7 |
Contrast |
Political change and economic and social electoral proposals |
Cinéma verité |
#DecideLoQueImporta | Tercer compromiso de Santiago Abascal https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=W8Q0cWudx8k&list=PLV9zP7Df1nvnYf11vnYaDe8ZLGEQqf4kX&index=98 |
2:43 minutes
|
386 K
|
1,1 K likes
|
July 16 |
Contrast |
Political change and economic and social electoral proposals |
Cinéma verité |
Llega la hora: Vamos a echarle https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pQ38fPMtgYE&list=PLV9zP7Df1nvnYf11vnYaDe8ZLGEQqf4kX&index=95 |
1:28 minutes
|
2,7 M
|
5,6 K likes
|
July 17 |
Negative |
Political Change |
Issue |
Este 23J una España diferente es posible https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sQa5qr10_T4
|
1:30 minutes
|
1.8 M |
2,3 K |
July 20, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Issue |
Porque tú sabes lo que importa... #23J https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PqeZ4xCeWZE
|
1:56 minutes
|
1.4 M |
4,3 K |
July 20, 2023 |
Positive |
Political change |
Cinéma verité |
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
Sumar's official YouTube channel has a 70-30 distribution between videos and shorts, with a clear prevalence of short videos. Twelve videos were published and 50% of these productions are professional, which can be explained by the recent creation of the Sumar platform and its smaller budget. Out of these 6 videos, 2 stand out for their dissemination capacity. The first one, “Este #23J es por ti (This #23J is for you)” launched at the beginning of the campaign (July 7), and got 620,000 views. The rest, from July 16 and 21, practically daily, obtained between 1,000 and 4,000 views.
The second video that stands out for its reproductions is “Díaz y Pérez. La historia de Yolanda Díaz” (Díaz and Pérez. The story of Yolanda Díaz), which exceeded 440,000 views. Under the classic bio-spot typology, it narrates the life of the candidate and her origins, highlighting the values and teachings that were instilled in her, seeking an intimate portrait of Yolanda Díaz.
Sumar's videos did not obtain a special impact in the traditional media.
Table 6
Sumar YouTube Channel
Video |
Duration |
Views |
Engagement |
Date of publication |
Approach |
Topic |
Typology |
Este #23J es por ti https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4v8uueGzPVs&list=PLcje8drG6cs4Y9PlFKizE-jTuQsvyGRTm&index=1 |
30 seconds |
620 K |
279 likes
|
July 7, 2023 |
Contrast |
Rights |
Talking Bust |
El FEMINISMO del 99%, el feminismo de SUMAR |
1:55 minutes |
1,1 K |
93 likes
|
July 16, 2023 |
Contrast |
Feminism and LGTBI |
Testimonials |
DÍAZ Y PÉREZ | La historia de YOLANDA DÍAZ https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3f1Q1ZKd5-8&list=PLcje8drG6cs4Y9PlFKizE-jTuQsvyGRTm&index=2 |
1:56 minutes |
441 K |
580 likes
|
July 17, 2023 |
Positive |
Policy |
Cinéma verité / |
Es por ti | Spot SUMAR https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z2RtbkMEp7Y&list=PLcje8drG6cs4Y9PlFKizE-jTuQsvyGRTm&index=3 |
1:27 minutes
|
3,7 K
|
300 likes
|
July 18, 2023 |
|
Rights |
Bio spot |
Esto acaba de EMPEZAR |
1:30 minutes |
3,4 K |
247 likes |
July 19, 2023 |
Positive |
Rights |
Issue |
VIENTO | SPOT final de SUMAR https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UwJdFx59ARM&list=PLcje8drG6cs4Y9PlFKizE-jTuQsvyGRTm&index=4 |
1,52 minutes |
4,1 K
|
370 likes |
July 21, 2023 |
Positive |
Policy |
Testimonials |
Source: Elaborated by the authors, 2023.
Regarding the specific conclusions of this research and answering the research questions posed, it can be said that:
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Authors' contributions
Conceptualization: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Methodology: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Formal analysis: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Data curation: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Drafting-Preparation of the original draft: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Drafting-Revision and Editing: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Visualization: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. Supervision: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica. All authors have read and accepted the published version of the manuscript: Peña-Jiménez, Palma and Zorogastua Camacho, Jessica.
Funding: This research received no external funding.
Conflict of interest: none.
Palma Peña-Jiménez: Doctor in Communication from the URJC. Degree in Philology and Master's Degree in Teaching Spanish as a Foreign Language from the USAL. Professor of Journalism at the Rey Juan Carlos University. Her research work focuses on political communication, gender studies and discourse analysis. She is coordinator of the high performance research group in Discourse Analysis and New Information and Communication Technologies of the URJC (https://gestion2.urjc.es/pdi/grupos-investigacion/griadyntic) and member of the research group “Mediatization of women's rage, intelligibility frameworks and communicative strategies of politicizing transformation”.
(https://remuvic.eu/#proyecto)
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3732-7483
SCOPUS ID: https://www.scopus.com/authid/detail.uri?authorId= 55135970200
Google escolar: https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=74h4bQIAAAAJ&hl=es
Academia.edu: https://independent.academia.edu/PalmaPe%C3%B1aJim%C3%A9nez
Jessica Zorogastua Camacho: Doctor in Communication Sciences from the University San Pablo-CEU. Degree in Communication Sciences from the University of Lima (Peru). She has specialized studies in Leadership for Public Management at the IESE Business School of the University of Navarra. Professor and coordinator of the Degree in Protocol, Event Organization and Corporate Communication at the Universidad Rey Juan Carlos. She collaborates as a consultant for the Luca de Tena Foundation in research, training and social action projects. She has published several articles in magazines and book chapters. She has more than 20 years of professional experience in technical, strategic and communication consultancy for senior officials of the Spanish Public Administration and in private companies and foundations.
Orcid ID: https://orcid.org/0009-0007-8785-8016
Google Scholar: https://scholar.google.es/citations?hl=es&user=ViZ1Su4AAAAJ
Scopus Author ID: https://www.scopus.com/authid/detail.uri?authorId=57203530918
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[1] Doctor in Communication from the URJC. Degree in Philology and Master's Degree in Teaching Spanish as a Foreign Language from the USAL.